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Prikaz: Svezak 35 - Vojna povijest

Prikaz: Svezak 35 - Vojna povijest


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Oružje i oklop škotskog ratnika uključuju neke od najpoznatijih i najprepoznatljivijih oružja u povijesti. Od moćnog dvorećnog mača od gline, do omalenog sghian dubha, ovi su instrumenti ratovanja dali vojnoj povijesti Škotske osebujan okus. Nošeni od strane ljudi poput Williama Wallacea, Roberta Brucea i Bonnie Prince Charlie i korišteni na bojištima Stirling Bridgea, Bannockburna, Floddena i Cullodena, postali su simboli škotske baštine i nacionalnog identiteta.

U bitci kod Culloden Moora 16. travnja 1746. jakobitska je zadaća nanesena smrtni udarac. Moć planinskih klanova bila je slomljena. A slika gorštaka koji posjeduju mačeve nasrću na olujnu tuču isporučenih od crveno obloženih bataljuna hanoverske vojske prešla je u legendu. Bitka je bila odlučujuća - bila je to prekretnica u britanskoj povijesti. Pa ipak, našu percepciju ove kritične epizode obično zbunjuju pogrešni, ponekad stranački pogledi na događaje na bojnom polju. Dakle, što se doista dogodilo u Cullodenu? U ovoj fascinantnoj i originalnoj knjizi, tim vodećih povjesničara i arheologa preispituje svaki aspekt bitke. Ispituju najnovije povijesne i arheološke dokaze, propituju svaku pretpostavku i živopisno ispisuju priču o kampanji. Ovo je prvi put da se tako istaknuti tim stručnjaka usredotočio na jednu britansku bitku. Rezultat je temeljna studija o toj temi i to je znamenita publikacija arheologije ratišta.

Jednostavni dvorci podignuti nakon osvajanja Normana razvijali su se u 11. i 12. stoljeću, dok je uvođenje islamske i bizantske tehnike utvrđivanja s kraja 12. stoljeća dovelo do daljnjeg razvoja arhitekture dvorca. Ta su utvrđenja trebala biti dobro ispitana tijekom 13. stoljeća jer je Englesku rasplamsao sukob, karakteriziran dugotrajnim opsadama, između monarhije i moćnih magnata. Osim što su pružali fokus ratovanja, dvorci su sve više postajali središta svojih zajednica, pružajući trajniju bazu za gospodara, njegovu obitelj i čuvare, te djelujući kao centri za pravdu i upravu.

Aleksandar Veliki jedan je od najpoznatijih ljudi u povijesti, a mnogi vjeruju da je bio najveći vojni genij svih vremena (Julije Cezar je plakao podno svog kipa u zavisti od svojih postignuća). Veći dio svoje trinaestogodišnje vladavine kao kralja Makedonije proveo je u teškoj kampanji koja je osvojila pola poznatog svijeta, tijekom koje nikada nije poražen u otvorenoj bitci i nikada nije opsjeo grad koji nije zauzeo. Ipak, iako je Aleksandrova biografija bogata, postoji relativno malo cjelovitih knjiga posvećenih makedonskoj vojsci koje su omogućile njegova blistava osvajanja i koja su se pokazala kao najstrašniji stroj tog doba. Stephen English istražuje svaki aspekt makedonskih snaga, analizirajući novačenje, opremu, organizaciju, taktiku, zapovijedanje i kontrolu borbenog naoružanja (uključujući poznate falange štuka, elitne hipaspiste i neusporedivu pratnju konjanika), neke od najpoznatijih Aleksandrovih bitaka i opsada detaljno su opisani kako bi prikazali vojsku na djelu. Uz forenzičku temeljitost, on se oslanja na najnovije arheološke dokaze i nauke kako bi predstavio detaljan portret vojske koji je pokazao superiornost nad svojim protivnicima jednaku (ali mnogo dugotrajniju od one) koju su imale njemačke snage u blitzkrieg kampanjama 1939/40. . Pokrivena je i Alexnaderova mornarica.


Recenzije knjiga

Dement, Sidney Eric. Puškinov spomenik i aluzija: pjesma, kip, izvedba. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019. xii + 275 str. 75,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-4875-0552-3.

Guay, Robert E., ur. Zločin i kazna Dostojevskog: filozofske perspektive. Oxfordske studije filozofije i književnosti. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019. xv + 220 str. 24,95 USD (rad). ISBN: 978-0-19-046402-8

Škandrij, Myroslav. Avangardna umjetnost u Ukrajini, 1910–1930: osporavano sjećanje. Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2018. 202 str. 99,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-6181-1975-9.

Ament, Suzanne. Pjevajte do pobjede! Pjesma u sovjetskom društvu tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Brighton, MA: Academic Studies Press, 2019. xxii + 301 str. 109,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-61811-839-4.

Fairclough, Pauline. Kritični životi Dmitrija Šostakoviča. London: Reaktion Books, 2019. 190 str. 11,99 £ (papir). ISBN 978-1-78914-127-4.

Morse, Ainsley, Maria Vassileva i Maya Vinokur, ur. Linor Goralik: Pronađen život: pjesme, priče, stripovi, predstava i intervju. Ruska knjižnica. New York: Columbia University Press, 2017. xvii + 377 str. 14,95 USD (rad). ISBN 978-0-2311-8351-2.

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Tihanov, Galin. Rađanje i umiranje teorije književnosti: režimi važnosti u Rusiji i šire. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2019. xiv + 258 str. 60,00 USD. ISBN 978-0-8047-8522-8.

Kostetskaya, Anastasia. Ruski simbolizam u potrazi za transcendentalnom likvidnošću: ikoniziranje emocija miješanjem vremena, medija i osjetila. Unakrsne struje: Ruska književnost u kontekstu. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2019. xxviii + 156 str. 90,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-4985-9182-9.

Reese, Kevin. Nebeski pakleni pejzaži: kozmologija kao ključ znanstvene fantastike Strugatskih. Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019. 278 str. 109,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-6181-1979-7.

Lenkhoff, Geil [Gail Lenhoff]. Kniaz 'Feodor Chernyi u ruskoj istoriji i kulturi: Issledovanie i teksty. Moskva: Al'ian-Arkheo, 2019. 350 str. R750,00. ISBN 978-5-98874-168-8.

Halperin, Charles J. Ivan Grozni: Slobodan za nagradu i Slobodan za kažnjavanje. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2019. 360 str. 45,00 USD. ISBN 978-0-8229-4591-8.

Berelovich, Vladimir, Vladislav Rzheutskii i Igor 'Fediukin, ur. Ideal vospitaniia dvorianstva v Europe, XVII – XIX veka. Historia Rossica. Moskva: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2018. 492 str. R320,00. ISBN 978-5-444-80780-4.

Libbey, James K. Temelji ruskog vojnog leta, 1885–1925. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2019. xii,+ 244 str. 38,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-68247-423-5.

Lomb, Samantha. Staljinov ustav: sovjetska participativna politika i rasprava o nacrtu ustava iz 1936. godine. London: Routledge, 2018. xiii + 178 str. 101,47 USD. ISBN 978-1-138-72184-5.

Waterlow, Jonathan. To je samo šala, druže! Humor, povjerenje i svakodnevni život za vrijeme Staljina. Oxford: n.p., 2018. xxii + 285 str. 14,99 GBP (papir). ISBN 978-1-9856-3582-1.

Rimmington, Anthony. Staljinovo tajno oružje: podrijetlo sovjetskog biološkog ratovanja. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. xiv + 262 str. 45,00 USD. ISBN 978-0-19-092885-8.

Launius, Roger D. Posezanje za Mjesecom: kratka povijest svemirske utrke. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019. viii + 248 str. 30,00 USD. ISBN 978-0-300-23046-8.

Pazderka, Josef, ur. Sovjetska invazija Čehoslovačke 1968.: Ruska perspektiva. Studije hladnog rata na Harvardu. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2019. xvi + 288 str. 95,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-7936-0292-3.

Bykova, Marina F. i Vladislav A. Lektorsky, ur. Filozofska misao u Rusiji u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća: suvremeni pogled iz Rusije i inozemstva. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019. xii + 430 str. 176,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-3500-4058-8.

Hudson, Jennifer M. Trzači željezne zavjese: Rusko-američki odnosi hladnog rata. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2019. xxx + 338 str. 115,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-4985-5926-3.

Lakhtikova, Anastasia, Angela Brintlinger i Irina Glushchenko. Iskusni socijalizam: spol i hrana u kasnoj sovjetskoj svakodnevici. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019. xvii + 373 str. 35,00 USD (rad). ISBN 978-0-253-04096-1.

Siegelbaum, Lewis H. Zaglavio na komunizmu: Memoar ruskog povjesničara. Slavenske, istočnoeuropske i euroazijske studije. Ithaca: Northern Illinois University Press, 2019. x + 202 str. 27,95 USD (rad). ISBN 978-1-5017-4737-3.

Društvene znanosti, suvremena Rusija i dr

Schechter, Brandon M. Stvari vojnika: Povijest Crvene armije u Drugom svjetskom ratu kroz objekte. Bojna polja: Cornell studije o vojnoj povijesti. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2019. xxvi + 315 str. 36,95 USD. ISBN 978-1-5017-3979-8.

Epstein, Mikhail. Feniks filozofije: ruska misao kasnog sovjetskog razdoblja (1953. - 1991.). New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019. viii + 300 str. 120,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-5013-1639-5.

Reddaway, Peter. Disidenti: Uspomena o radu s otporom u Rusiji, 1960–1990. Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2019. vii + 316 str. 29,99 USD. ISBN 978-0-8157-3773-5.

Kovalev, Andrej. Ruska slijepa ulica: Insajdersko svjedočanstvo od Gorbačova do Putina. Preveo Steven I. Levine. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2017. xliv + 347 str. 24,95 USD (rad). ISBN 978-1-64012-233-8.

Grant, Thomas D. Međunarodno pravo i postsovjetski prostor I: Eseji o Čečeniji i baltičkim državama. Sovjetska i postsovjetska politika i društvo 199. Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag, 2019. xxxv + 405 str. 50,00 USD (papir). ISBN 978-3-83821-279-1.

Grant, Thomas D. Međunarodno pravo i postsovjetski prostor II: Eseji o Ukrajini, intervenciji i neširenju. Sovjetska i postsovjetska politika i društvo 200. Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag, 2019. xlii + 480 str. 50,00 USD (papir). ISBN 978-3-83821-280-7.

Nordenman, Magnus. Nova bitka za Atlantik: novonastalo natjecanje s Rusijom na krajnjem sjeveru. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2019. xv + 244 str. 38,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-68247-285-5.

Güney, Nurşin Ateşoğlu, ur. Nove geopolitičke stvarnosti za Rusiju: ​​od Crnog mora do Sredozemlja. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2019. xviii + 143 str. 90,00 USD. ISBN 978-1-7936-0244-2.

Van der Pijl, Kees. Let MH17, Ukrajina i novi hladni rat: Prizma katastrofe. Geopolitička ekonomija. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2018. 208 str. 18,99 GBP. ISBN 978-1-5261-3109-6.

Rubin, Dominik. Rusko muslimansko srce: Islam u doba Putina. London: Hurst and Company, 2018. xi + 345 str. 29,95 USD. ISBN 978-1-84904-896-5.

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Smith, Mark B. Ruska tjeskoba: i kako je povijest može riješiti. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019. xxv + 480 str. 29,95 USD. ISBN 978-0-1908-8605-9.


Pregled SIAM -a

Ovaj priručnik istražuje odnose između brojnih algoritama za rješavanje problema vlastitih vrijednosti, uključujući metodu napajanja, iteraciju podprostora, $ QR $ algoritam te Arnoldijev i simetrični Lanczosov algoritam. Pokazalo se da je simetrični Lanczosov algoritam identičan tročlanoj rekurziji (Stieltjesov postupak) za računanje ortogonalnih polinoma s obzirom na mjeru na realnoj liniji. Istražuje se povezanost mjera na pravoj i simetričnih tridijagonalnih (Jacobijevih) matrica. Ako se takva matrica transformira korakom algoritma $ QR $, postoji odgovarajuća transformacija u mjeri. Tridijagonalne matrice također se koriste za konstruiranje Gaussovih kvadraturnih formula za mjere na liniji. Razvoj na pravoj liniji repliciran je s odgovarajućim izmjenama na jedinici kruga putem Lanczosovih postupaka za unitarne operatore. Najpoznatiji postupak ove vrste je rekurzija Szega za računanje ortogonalnih polinoma na jediničnoj kružnici. Pristup koji je zauzet u ovom radu je razvoj rekurzija koje računaju ortogonalne Laurentove polinome (racionalne funkcije) umjesto polinoma. Ove rekurzije se zatim mijenjaju kako bi se dobila Szegöova rekurzija.


Tehnologija i Zapad

Ova opsežna antologija daje sažeti pregled tehnologije zapadne civilizacije. Njegov dvadeset i jedan pažljivo odabran članak i pregledni eseji pokazuju složen odnos tehnološke i društvene promjene od antike do danas. Specifične teme uključuju podrijetlo suvremenih društvenih i političkih institucija u civilizacijama za navodnjavanje u antici, tehnologiju i vojsku, popularno shvaćanje rane industrijske revolucije u Europi, razliku između izuma i inovacija, ulogu vlade u razvoju tehnologije, priroda tehničke stručnosti, nuklearna energija i okoliš.

Općim čitateljima i studentima ova će zbirka biti pristupačna i privlačna.

Uvod Terry S. Reynolds, Stephen H. Cutcliffe.
Pregled: Tehnologija i povijest: "Kranzbergovi zakoni"
Melvin Kranzberg
Tehnologija i Zapad kroz britansku industrijsku revoluciju (do oko 1850.)
Tehnologija na predindustrijskom zapadu
Terry S. Reynolds, Stephen H. Cutcliffe.
Prva tehnološka revolucija i njezine pouke
Peter F. Drucker
Grčki katapulti i tehnologija katapulta: znanost, tehnologija i rat u starom svijetu
Barton C. Hacker
Tehnički zakon: Invencijski čin: uzroci, konteksti, kontinuiteti i posljedice
Lynn White, Jr.
Kriza zagađenja zraka i goriva u predindustrijskom Londonu, 1250-1650
William H. Te Brake
Zamjena dugog luka vatrenim oružjem u engleskoj vojsci
Thomas Esper
O društvenom objašnjenju tehničkih promjena: Slučaj portugalske pomorske ekspanzije
Ivan Zakon
Muškete i njihala: Benjamin Robins, Leonhard Euler i balistička revolucija
Brett D. Steele
Filozofija ludizma: Slučaj vunenih radnika Zapadne Engleske, cca. 1790-1809
Adrian J. Randall
Ceste, željeznice i kanali: tehnički izbori u Britaniji 19. stoljeća
Francis T. Evans
Širenje i širenje zapadne industrijske tehnologije (oko 1850. do danas)
Tehnologija i industrijski Zapad
Terry S. Reynolds, Stephen H. Cutcliffe.
Ekonomski razvoj i prijenos tehnologije: neke povijesne perspektive
Nathan Rosenberg
Oružje Zapada: Vojna tehnologija i modernizacija u Kini i Japanu 19. stoljeća
Barton C. Hacker
"Industrijska revolucija" u domu: Tehnologija kućanstva i društvene promjene u 20. stoljeću
Ruth Schwartz Cowan
Razvoj dizel motora
Lynwood Bryant
Pojava temeljnih istraživanja u telefonskom sustavu Bell, 1875-1915
Lillian Hoddeson
Fleksibilnost i masovna proizvodnja u ratu: proizvodnja zrakoplova u Velikoj Britaniji, Sjedinjenim Državama i Njemačkoj, 1939.-1945
Jonathan Zeitlin
Spage-Age Europe: Gaullism, Euro-Gaullism and the American Dilemma
Walter A. McDougall
Nuklearna energija i okoliš: Komisija za atomsku energiju i toplinsko onečišćenje, 1965.-1971
J. Samuel Walker


Oziris, svezak 35

Od ranog modernog razdoblja, znanost je igrala sve veću ulogu u zdravstvu, poljoprivredi, regulaciji trgovine hranom i pićima te standardizaciji smjernica o prehrani. Ipak, do sada je nekoliko studija istraživalo povijesne procese kroz koje su znanstvene tvrdnje o znanju dobile moć oblikovanja lanaca opskrbe hranom i izbora potrošača. Ovaj svezak Oziris otkriva kako su znanosti o hrani bile informirane i pomogle u oblikovanju niza institucija, režima rada, kulturnih praksi i etičkih opredjeljenja.

Eseji se bave nizom tema, od rane moderne dijetetike i rasprava o kanibalizmu do modernih gotovih obroka i ajurvedskih recepata, od analiza gladnih uzornih organizama do rituala objedovanja poduzetnika iz Silicijske doline i njihovih pokrovitelja. Kao Hrana je bitna pokazuje da je povijest znanja o hrani uvijek izazivala rasprave o promjeni definicije i granica stručnosti: između tradicionalnih recepata i eksperimentalnih protokola između domaćih zanatskih vještina i laboratorijskih postupaka između upravljanja i preraspodjele resursa društvenog tijela, s jedne strane, te subjektivna iskustva pojedinih tijela s druge strane. U trenutku kada autoritet znanosti dovodi u pitanje različita javnost, Hrana je bitna pravovremeno podsjeća da takve napetosti, uvijek prisutne u domeni vezanima uz hranu, odražavaju širi povijesni razvoj kroz koji je znanost postala dominantna sila u oblikovanju svih aspekata javnog i privatnog života.

O vrlinama povijesne entomofagije
E. C. Spary i Anya Zilberstein

Prirodna povijest kuhinje
Anita Guerrini

Sažimanje vjere: Jedenje Boga, čovjeka i mesa u Rimu sedamnaestog stoljeća
Bradford Bouley

Hrana, stanovništvo i carstvo u krugu Hartlib, 1639. & ndash1660
Ted McCormick

Percepcije porekla: koncepcije vina, zdravlja i mjesta u Luju XIV i Francuskoj
Alissa Aron

Zašto piti vodu? Dijeta, materijalizam i britanski imperijalizam
Joyce E. Chaplin

Oblik mesa: očuvanje životinjskog mesa u viktorijanskoj Britaniji
Rebecca J. H. Woods

Uvođenje kemijskih bojila u hranu u devetnaestom stoljeću
Carolyn Cobbold

Tehnopolitika hrane: Slučaj njemačke zatvorske hrane s kraja osamnaestog do početka dvadesetog stoljeća
Ulrike Thoms

Modernost prehrane: njemački slučaj
Corinna Treitel

Znanstveni životi Rusije Chicha: Proizvodnja fermentiranog pića i stjecanje stručnog znanja u Bogotu & aacute, 1889. i ndash1939.
Stefan Pohl-Valero

Povijesni & ldquoindijski sustavi znanja & rdquo: ajurveda, egzotična hrana i suvremeni antihistorijski holizmi
Projit Bihari Mukharji

Lokalna hrana i transnacionalna znanost: nova granična pitanja gusjenice gusjenice u republikanskoj Kini
Di Lu

Gladni, razmišljanje sa životinjama: psihologija i nasilje na prijelazu u dvadeseto stoljeće
Dana Simmons

Drugi svjetski rat i potraga za hranom osjetljivom na vrijeme
Deborah Fitzgerald

Mimesis mesa: laboratorijski uzgojeno meso kao studija kopiranja
Benjamin Aldes Wurgaft

Doručak u Buck -u: neformalnost, intimnost i inovacije u Silicijskoj dolini
Steven Shapin


PRIKUPLJANJE RADOVA NA KLIZNICI

Rijetko se događa da se nabava umjetničkih djela na temelju dijapozitiva u zbirku likovnih umjetnosti sastoji od jedinstvenih originala u kameri jer se ta djela obično prodaju kao izdanja, a umjetnik obično zadržava glavne slajdove. Uobičajen je scenarij da će muzeji nabaviti niz setova slajdova koji su duplikati prve generacije od izvornog u kameri, s dodatnom klauzulom u umjetničkoj potvrdi da se od umjetnika trebaju zatražiti buduće kopije. Često se pretpostavlja da će muzej koristiti duplikate predviđene za izlaganje.

Kvaliteta dijapozitiva koje muzej prima varira. Umjetnik poput Jamesa Colemana zapošljava arhivara i njegovim slajdovima se strogo upravlja i drže se u kontroliranim uvjetima okoliša. Sve njegove slike snimljene su istim identičnim dijapozitivom istim fotoaparatom. Duplikati slajdova koji su dio akvizicije proizvode se kao tri identična seta izrađena u isto vrijeme, koristeći istu zalihu i isti stroj za umnožavanje.

Djela drugih umjetnika mogu se proizvoditi na ad hoc način i stvarati i skladištiti u manje strogo kontroliranim uvjetima. Nije nepoznato da su slajdovi koji čine umjetnički majstor korišteni za prikaz i da su izblijedjeli ili pretrpjeli oštećenja. Duplikate uzete s ovih za sljedeće izložbe proizvode različiti laboratoriji na različitim zalihama i upravo se s tih dijapozitiva često vrši odabir i daje muzeju u sklopu nabave.

Ovi vrlo različiti scenariji mogu ukazivati ​​na propuste komercijalne galerije da shvati što je uključeno u upravljanje tim djelima ili na različit umjetnički kontekst u kojem su ta umjetnička djela nastala. Kao što je ranije spomenuto u ovom radu, u nekim je slučajevima umjetnik odabrao dijapozitive kao precizan estetski vizualni medij, dok su se u drugim slučajevima mogli koristiti više kao alat za dokumentiranje, kao što je, na primjer, u kontekstu konceptualne umjetničke prakse. Kad su dijapozitivi korišteni više kao alat za dokumentaciju nego kao precizan estetski medij, možda je češće da su proizvodnja i upravljanje izvornim glavnim dijapozitivima i njihovo umnožavanje manje precizno upravljani.

Intervjui s umjetnicima standardni su alat suvremene konzervatorske prakse. Ovi su intervjui formalni trenuci u stalnom dijalogu između umjetnika i muzeja koji se često nastavlja godinama. Prvi intervju obično se vodi između konzervatora i umjetnika kada djelo dođe u zbirku, nakon čega slijedi drugi intervju na mjestu kada se djelo traži za izlaganje. Tijekom ovih intervjua važno je raspraviti o odumiranju 35 mm tehnologije kako bi konzervatori mogli surađivati ​​s tim umjetnicima kako bi jasnije razumjeli važnost tehnologije klizanja za njihova djela i planirali budućnost rada.


Odious Story

Pripovijest o povijesti od vrhunca Hitlerove moći do njegove smrti.

Nekih 75 godina nakon njihove smrti, Hitler i Treći Reich sada su vjerojatno veći posao nego što su ikada bili. Njihova priča i dalje dominira televizijskom poviješću, dok je objavljivanje popularne povijesti naizgled jednako ovisno o prepakivanju i preprodaji zloglasne priče o bivšem češkom kaplaru i njegovim pomoćnicima.

Imajući to u vidu, zanimljivo je zabilježiti dolazak drugog sveska Franka McDonougha Hitlerove godine, uzimajući događaje s početka 1940. - s Hitlerom vjerojatno na vrhuncu svojih moći - do te mračne smrti 1945. McDonough, profesor međunarodne povijesti na sveučilištu John Moores u Liverpoolu, autor je brojnih izvrsnih monografija o , na primjer, Gestapo ili rat prije rata 1939.

Hitlerove godine ipak označava nešto kao odmak, ciljajući izravno na popularnije tržište, s izravnom kronološkom pričom koja - iako se oslanja na autorovu akademsku pozadinu - ipak olako nosi svoju stručnost. Rezultat je impresivna knjiga, lijepo predstavljena, s mnoštvom ilustracija.

McDonoughova pripovijetka zvecka, stalno se angažira i prosvjetljuje, a na sreću oslobođena je turgičnog akademskog žargona i modernih riječi. Pripovijest je vještina čija se važnost možda podcjenjuje u akademskim krugovima, gdje su drugi aspekti povjesničarove umjetnosti danas visoko cijenjeni. Ipak, ne treba podcijeniti poteškoće u održavanju napetosti i angažiranju čitatelja na više od 600 stranica poznate priče. U tom zadatku McDonough sjajno uspijeva.

McDonough je također ohrabrujuće razuman u historiografskim stavovima koje zauzima. On griješi prema strukturalističkom gledištu o holokaustu, na primjer, zaključujući da taj monstruozni zločin 'nije bio toliko koordiniran ili unaprijed određen kao što se često pretpostavlja'. On je također oštar prema gledištu, sada na sreću prilično rijetkom među ozbiljnim komentatorima, da je Hitler sam pokrenuo događaje, što ukazuje na to da su Führer i njegovi viši zapovjednici bili mnogo ujedinjeniji u pogledu i namjerama nego što su potonji ikada bili spremni priznati.

Unatoč impresivnom narativnom zahvatu, Hitlerove godine je nedvojbeno najbolji kada zaobiđe diskretne, sklopljene digresije, poput onih na prosvjedima Bijele ruže pod vodstvom studentice Sophie Scholl-temu koja je autoru posebno bliska-ili urotu sa bombom na Stauffenberg u srpnju 1944. godine. u tim područjima, McDonough je siguran vodič, siguran u povezivanju sitnica kao i sa širom slikom i vješt u spajanju njih dvoje u koherentnu cjelinu.

Postoji nekoliko upozorenja, naravno. Knjiga sa tako širokim opsegom imala bi koristi od još nekoliko karata, a neke od onih koje postoje bi imale koristi od stručnjaka. Također, iako je razumljivo da primarni fokus treba biti na događajima u različitim vojnim kazalištima, još bi nekoliko preusmjeravanja na njemačku domovinu dobro poslužilo da se bolje objasni kako je ta zemlja nastavila borbu dugo nakon što je mogućnost pobjede izmakla to.

Ali to su male točke. Hitlerove godine nije bezglasno ponavljanje, to je poslastica pripovjedačke povijesti. Možda je malo novitet, ali to je sjajno djelo sinteze i, kao takvo, čitljivo je koliko i mjerodavno. Rijetko je odiozna priča o Trećem Reichu bila tako elegantno prezentirana.

Hitlerove godine: katastrofa 1940.-1945
Frank McDonough
Glava Zeusa 656pp 35 funti

Roger MoorhouseNajnovija knjiga je Prvi u borbu: Poljski rat 1939 (The Bodley Head, 2019.).


Danas u povijesti: Rođen 27. lipnja

Henrik VIII., Engleski kralj (1509.-1547.), Utemeljitelj Engleske crkve.

Peter Paul Rubens, flamanski slikar.

Jean Jacques Rousseau, francuski socijalni filozof (Društveni ugovor).

Luigi Pirandello, talijanski dramatičar (Šest likova u potrazi za autorom).

Alexis Carrel, francuski kirurg i biolog, dobitnik Nobelove nagrade.

Esther Forbes, autorica (Johnny Tremain).

Richard Rodgers, američki skladatelj.

Maria Goeppert Mayer, dobitnica Nobelove nagrade za fiziku.

Eric Ambler, britanski pisac misterija (Tamna granica, Uobičajena opasnost).

Mel Brooks, komičar, glumac i redatelj (Producenti, Plamteća sedla).


Dostupna pitanja

Innes Review je u potpunosti recenziran časopis koji promiče proučavanje povijesti katoličke Škotske. Obuhvaća sve aspekte škotske povijesti i kulture, osobito one koji se odnose na vjersku povijest.

Škotsko katoličko povijesno udruženje neprestano objavljuje od 1950. i sadrži članke i prikaze knjiga o širokom području crkvene, kulturne, liturgijske, arhitektonske, književne i političke povijesti od najstarijih vremena do danas. Ime je dobila po Thomasu Innesu (1662.-1744.), Svećeniku misionaru, povjesničaru i arhivisti škotskog koledža u Parizu čija se nepristrana učenost isticala među tadašnjim vjeroispovijestima.

Urednici i urednički odbor

Urednik

Dr. John Reuben Davies (Sveučilište u Glasgowu)

Pomoćnik urednika

Dr Linden Bicket (Sveučilište u Edinburghu)

Urednik recenzija

Dr Miles Kerr-Peterson (Sveučilište u Glasgowu)
Molimo pošaljite knjige na pregled Milesu Kerr-Petersonu, c/o 45 Grovepark Street, Glasgow, G20 7NZ

Uređivačka ploča

Profesor Dauvit Broun (Sveučilište u Glasgowu)
Profesor S. J. Brown (Sveučilište u Edinburghu)
Profesor Thomas Owen Clancy (Sveučilište u Glasgowu)
Profesor David N. Dumville (Sveučilište Aberdeen)
Profesor John J. Haldane (Sveučilište St Andrews)
Profesor Máire Herbert (Sveučilišni koledž, Cork)
Dr. S. Karly Kehoe (Sveučilište Saint Mary, Kanada)
Profesor Michael Lynch (Sveučilište u Edinburghu)
Profesor Graeme Morton (Sveučilište Dundee)
Profesorica Clotilde Prunier (Université Paris Nanterre)
Dr. Steven Reid (Sveučilište u Glasgowu)
Profesor Daniel Szechi (Sveučilište u Manchesteru)
Dr. Eila Williamson (Sveučilište u Glasgowu)

Društvo

Škotsko katoličko povijesno udruženje promiče proučavanje vjerske prošlosti Škotske u svim njezinim aspektima. To čini prvenstveno putem svog časopisa Innes Review koji je kontinuirano izlazio od 1950. godine.

Innes Review posvećen je proučavanju uloge Katoličke crkve u povijesti škotske nacije. Ime je dobio po Thomasu Innesu (1662.-1744.), Svećeniku misionaru, povjesničaru i arhivisti škotskog koledža u Parizu čija je nepristrana učenost i korisna suradnja učinila mnogo za prevladavanje konfesionalnih predrasuda njegova doba.

Škotsko katoličko povijesno društvo održava godišnje konferencije. Molimo kliknite ovdje za dodatne informacije o konferencijama Udruge. Prethodne konferencije bile su usredotočene na 'Glasgow - priču vrijednu pripovijedanja' (2008.), 'Dijasporu' (2009.) i 'Liturgiju i naciju' (2010.). '

Pojedinačne pretplate na Innes Review uključuju članstvo u Udruzi. Kliknite ovdje za informacije o tome kako se pretplatiti na časopis i pridružiti se Udruzi.

Molimo kliknite ovdje za dodatne informacije o Škotskom katoličkom povijesnom udruženju.


Prikaz: Svezak 35 - Vojna povijest - Povijest

Pogledi Indijanaca na indijske poslove.
ID digitalne povijesti 4054

Napomena: Poglavica Josip u reviji Sjeverne Amerike.


Dokument: Pogledi Indijanaca na indijske poslove.

Volio bih da imam zapovijedane riječi u kojima bih na odgovarajući način izrazio interes s kojim sam pročitao izvanrednu priču koja slijedi i koju imam privilegiju upoznati s čitateljima ove Revije. Osjećam, međutim, da je ova isprika toliko hrabro obilježena šarmantnom naivnošću i nježnom patetikom koja karakterizira crvenog čovjeka, da joj nije potrebno predstavljanje, a još manje provjera autentičnosti dok je u svojoj ugušenoj vatri, u svom dubokom osjećaju vječne pravednosti i sadašnjeg zla i u čežnji za dolaskom boljeg doba, ovaj apel indijskog poglavara podsjeća nas na jednog od starih hebrejskih proroka iz dana zatočeništva.

Nemam nikakvo posebno znanje o povijesti Nez Percesa, Indijanaca čija priča o tuzi Poglavar Josip tako patetično govori o mojim indijskim misijama koje leže u dijelu na zapadu prilično udaljenom od njihovog starog doma-i nisam kompetentan suditi o njihovom slučaju po zaslugama. Načelnikov je narativ, naravno, ex parte, a mnoge njegove izjave nesumnjivo bi bile žarko osporavane. Na primjer, general Howard teško može primiti pravdu u svoje ruke, toliko je poznat po prijateljstvu s Indijcem i po izuzetnom uspjehu u smirivanju nekih od najočajnijih.

Treba imati na umu, također, u pravdi prema vojsci, da se rijetko poziva na miješanje u indijske poslove sve dok odnosi između Indijanaca i bijelaca ne dođu u očajno stanje, i kad situacija ne postane toliko upletena i osjećaj s obje strane toliko je visok da bi možda samo ljudska strpljivost pokušala riješiti tu poteškoću raspetljavanjem čvora, a ne njegovim rezanjem.

Ipak, načelnikov narativ obilježen je toliko iskrenošću, pa je toliko oprezan da kvalificira svoje izjave, kad se čini da je to potrebno, da će mu svaki čitatelj odati priznanje da govori iskreno, čak i ako neki misle da su pogriješili, uvjerenja. Načelnik u svom obrani svoje obrane podsjeća jednog od onih odvjetnika za koje smo čuli da je njihov sjajan uspjeh postignut, ne osporavanjem, već jednostavno njihovom lucidnom i jasnom izjavom o njihovom slučaju. Da je on nešto kao strateg, kao i zagovornik, proizlazi iz ovog opisa događaja koji se dogodio ubrzo nakon izbijanja neprijateljstava:

Prešli smo rijeku Salmon, nadajući se da će ih slijediti general Howard. Nismo se razočarali. On nas je slijedio, a mi smo stali između njega i njegovih zaliha i prekinuli ga na tri dana. Čitatelj povremeno dođe do dodira onih osjećaja i osjećaja koji odjednom uspostavljaju osjećaj srodstva između svih koji ih posjeduju. Witness his description of his desperate attempt to rejoin his wife and children when a sudden dash of General Miles’s soldiers had cut the Indian camp in two: About seventy men, myself among them, were cut off. . . . I thought of my wife and children, who were now surrounded by soldiers, and I resolved to go to them. With a prayer in my mouth to the Great Spirit Chief who rules above, I dashed unarmed through the line of soldiers. . . . My clothes were cut to pieces, my horse was wounded, but I was not hurt. And again, when he speaks of his father’s death: I saw he was dying. I took his hand in mine. He said: “My son, my body is returning to my mother Earth, and my spirit is going very soon to see the Great Spirit Chief. A few more years and the white men will be all around you. They have their eyes on this land. My son, never forget my dying words. This country holds your father’s body--never sell the bones of your father and your mother. I pressed my father’s hand, and told him I would protect his grave with my life. My father smiled, and passed away to the spirit-land. I buried him in that beautiful valley of Winding Waters. I love that land more than all the rest of the world. A man who would not love his father’s grave is worse than a wild animal.”

His appeals to the natural rights of man are surprisingly fine, and, however some may despise them as the utterances of an Indian, they are just those which, in our Declaration of Independence, have been most admired. “We are all sprung from a woman,” he says, “although we are unlike in many things. You are as you were made, and, as you were made, you can remain. We are just as we were made by the Great Spirit, and you can not change us then, why should children of one mother quarrel? Why should one try to cheat another? I do not believe that the Great Spirit Chief gave one kind of men the right to tell another kind of men what they must do.”

But I will not detain the readers of the “Review” from the pleasure of perusing for themselves Chief Josephs statement longer than is necessary to express the hope that those who have time for no more will at least read its closing paragraph, and to remark that the narrative brings clearly out these facts which ought to be regarded as well-recognized principles in dealing with the red-man: 1. The folly of any mode of treatment of the Indian which is not based upon a cordial and operative acknowledgment of his rights as our fellow man. 2. The danger of riding rough-shod over a people who are capable of high enthusiasm, who know and value their national rights, and are brave enough to defend them. 3. The liability to want of harmony between different departments and different officials of our complex Government, from which it results that, while many promises are made to the Indians, few of them are kept. It is a home-thrust when Chief Joseph says: “The white people have too many chiefs. They do not understand each other. . . . I can not understand how the Government sends a man out to fight us, as it did General Miles, and then break his word. Such a Government has something wrong about it.” 4. The unwisdom, in most cases in dealing with Indians, of what may be termed military short-cuts , instead of patient discussion, explanations, persuasion, and reasonable concessions. 5. The absence in an Indian tribe of any truly representative body competent to make a treaty which shall be binding upon all the bands. The failure to recognize this fact has been the source of endless difficulties. Chief Joseph, in this case, did not consider a treaty binding which his band had not agreed to, no matter how many other bands had signed it and so it has been in many other cases. 6. Indian chiefs, however able and influential, are really without power, and for this reason, as well as others, the Indians, when by the march of events they are brought into intimate relations with the whites, should at the earliest practicable moment be given the support and protection of our Government and of our law not local law, however, which is apt to be the result of special legislation, adopted solely in the interest of the stronger race.

WILLIAM II. HARE, Missionary Bishop of Niobrara.

My friends, I have been asked to show you my heart. I am glad to have a chance to do so. I want the white people to understand my people. Some of you think an Indian is like a wild animal. This is a great mistake. I will tell you all about our people, and then you can judge whether an Indian is a man or not. I believe much trouble and blood would be saved if we opened our hearts more. I will tell you in my way how the Indian sees things. The white man has more words to tell you how they look to him, but it does not require many words to speak the truth. What I have to say will come from my heart, and I will speak with a straight tongue. Ah-cum-kin-i-ma-me-hut (the Great Spirit) is looking at me, and will hear me.

My name is In-mut-too-yah-lat-lat (Thunder traveling over the Mountains). I am chief of the Wal-lam-wat-kin band of Chute-pa-lu, or Nez Perces (nose-pierced Indians). I was born in eastern Oregon, thirty-eight winters ago. My father was chief before me. When a young man, he was called Joseph by Mr. Spaulding, a missionary. He died a few years ago. There was no stain on his hands of the blood of a white man. He left a good name on the earth. He advised me well for my people.

Our fathers gave us many laws, which they had learned from their fathers. These laws were good. They told us to treat all men as they treated us that we should never be the first to break a bargain that it was a disgrace to tell a lie that we should speak only the truth that it was a shame for one man to take from another his wife, or his property without paying for it. We were taught to believe that the Great Spirit sees and hears everything, and that he never forgets that hereafter he will give every man a spirit-home according to his deserts: if he has been a good man, he will have a good home if he has been a bad man, he will have a bad home. This I believe, and all my people believe the same.

We did not know there were other people besides the Indian until about one hundred winters ago, when some men with white faces came to our country. They brought many things with them to trade for furs and skins. They brought tobacco, which was new to us. They brought guns with flint stones on them, which frightened our women and children. Our people could not talk with these white-faced men, but they used signs which all people understand. These men were Frenchmen, and they called our people ”Nez Perces,” because they wore rings in their noses for ornaments. Although very few of our people wear them now, we are still called by the same name. These French trappers said a great many things to our fathers, which have been planted in our hearts. Some were good for us, but some were bad. Our people were divided in opinion about these men. Some thought they taught more bad than good. An Indian respects a brave man, but he despises a coward. He loves a straight tongue, but he hates a forked tongue. The French trappers told us some truths and some lies.

The first white men of your people who came to our country were named Lewis and Clarke. They also brought many things that our people had never seen. They talked straight, and our people gave them a great feast, as a proof that their hearts were friendly. These men were very kind. They made presents to our chiefs and our people made presents to them. We had a great many horses, of which we gave them what they needed, and they gave us guns and tobacco in return. All the Nez Perces made friends with Lewis and Clarke, and agreed to let them pass through their country, and never to make war on white men. This promise the Nez Perces have never broken. No white man can accuse them of bad faith, and speak with a straight tongue. It has always been the pride of the Nez Perces that they were the friends of the white men. When my father was a young man there came to our country a white man (Rev. Mr. Spaulding) who talked spirit law. He won the affections of our people because he spoke good things to them. At first he did not say anything about white men wanting to settle on our lands. Nothing was said about that until about twenty winters ago, when a number of white people came into our country and built houses and made farms. At first our people made no complaint. They thought there was room enough for all to live in peace, and they were learning many things from the white men that seemed to be good. But we soon found that the white men were growing rich very fast, and were greedy to possess everything the Indian had. My father was the first to see through the schemes of the white men, and he warned his tribe to be careful about trading with them. He had suspicion of men who seemed so anxious to make money. I was a boy then, but I remember well my father’s caution. He had sharper eyes than the rest of our people.

Next there came a white officer (Governor Stevens), who invited all the Nez Perces to a treaty council. After the council was opened he made known his heart. He said there were a great many white people in the country, and many more would come that he wanted the land marked out so that the Indians and white men could be separated. If they were to live in peace it was necessary, he said, that the Indians should have a country set apart for them, and in that country they must stay. My father, who represented his band, refused to have anything to do with the council, because he wished to be a free man. He claimed that no man owned any part of the earth, and a man could not sell what he did not own.

Mr. Spaulding took hold of my fathers arm and said, “Come and sign the treaty.” My father pushed him away, and said: “Why do you ask me to sign away my country? It is your business to talk to us about spirit matters, and not to talk to us about parting with our land.” Governor Stevens urged my father to sign his treaty, but he refused. “I will not sign your paper,” he said “you go where you please, so do I you are not a child, I am no child I can think for myself. No man can think for me. I have no other home than this. I will not give it up to any man. My people would have no home. Take away your paper. I will not touch it with my hand.”

My father left the council. Some of the chiefs of the other bands of the Nez Perces signed the treaty, and then Governor Stevens gave them presents of blankets. My father cautioned his people to take no presents, for “after a while,” he said, “they will claim that you have accepted pay for your country.” Since that time four bands of the Nez Perces have received annuities from the United States. My father was invited to many councils, and they tried hard to make him sign the treaty, but he was firm as the rock, and would not sign away his home. His refusal caused a difference among the Nez Perces.

Eight years later (1863) was the next treaty council. A chief called Lawyer, because he was a great talker, took the lead in this council, and sold nearly all the Nez Perces country. My father was not there. He said to me: “When you go into council with the white man, always remember your country. Do not give it away. The white man will cheat you out of your home. I have taken no pay from the United States. I have never sold our land.” In this treaty Lawyer acted without authority from our band. He had no right to sell the Wallowa (winding water) country. That had always belonged to my fathers own people, and the other bands had never disputed our right to it. No other Indians ever claimed Wallowa.

In order to have all people understand how much land we owned, my father planted poles around it and said:

The United States claimed they had bought all the Nez Perces country outside of Lapwai Reservation, from Lawyer and other chiefs, but we continued to live on this land in peace until eight years ago, when white men began to come inside the bounds my father had set. We warned them against this great wrong, but they would not leave our land, and some bad blood was raised. The white men represented that we were going upon the war-path. They reported many things that were false.

The United States Government again asked for a treaty council. My father had become blind and feeble. He could no longer speak for his people. It was then that I took my fathers place as chief. In this council I made my first speech to white men. I said to the agent who held the council:

The agent said he had orders, from the Great White Chief at Washington, for us to go upon the Lapwai Reservation, and that if we obeyed he would help us in many ways. “You must move to the agency,” he said. I answered him: “I will not. I do not need your help we have plenty, and we are contented and happy if the white man will let us alone. The reservation is too small for so many people with all their stock. You can keep your presents we can go to your towns and pay for all we need we have plenty of horses and cattle to sell, and we won’t have any help from you we are free now we can go where we please. Our fathers were born here. Here they lived, here they died, here are their graves. We will never leave them.” The agent went away, and we had peace for a little while.

Soon after this my father sent for me. I saw he was dying. I took his hand in mine. He said: “My son, my body is returning to my mother earth, and my spirit is going very soon to see the Great Spirit Chief. When I am gone, think of your country. You are the chief of these people. They look to you to guide them. Always remember that your father never sold his country. You must stop your ears whenever you are asked to sign a treaty selling your home. A few years more and white men will be all around you. They have their eyes on this land. My son, never forget my dying words. This country holds your fathers body. Never sell the bones of your father and your mother.” I pressed my fathers hand and told him I would protect his grave with my life. My father smiled and passed away to the spirit-land.

I buried him in that beautiful valley of winding waters. I love that land more than all the rest of the world. A man who would not love his father’s grave is worse than a wild animal.

For a short time we lived quietly. But this could not last. White men had found gold in the mountains around the land of winding water. They stole a great many horses from us, and we could not get them back because we were Indians. The white men told lies for each other. They drove off a great many of our cattle. Some white men branded our young cattle so they could claim them. We had no friend who would plead our cause before the law councils. It seemed to me that some of the white men in Wallowa were doing these things on purpose to get up a war. They knew that we were not strong enough to fight them. I labored hard to avoid trouble and bloodshed. We gave up some of our country to the white men, thinking that then we could have peace. We were mistaken. The white man would not let us alone. We could have avenged our wrongs many times, but we did not. Whenever the Government has asked us to help them against other Indians, we have never refused. When the white men were few and we were strong we could have killed them all off, but the Nez Perces wished to live at peace.

If we have not done so, we have not been to blame. I believe that the old treaty has never been correctly reported. If we ever owned the land we own it still, for we never sold it. In the treaty councils the commissioners have claimed that our country had been sold to the Government. Suppose a white man should come to me and say, “Joseph, I like your horses, and I want to buy them.” I say to him, “No, my horses suit me, I will not sell them.” Then he goes to my neighbor, and says to him: “Joseph has some good horses. I want to buy them, but he refuses to sell.” My neighbor answers, “Pay me the money, and I will sell you Joseph’s horses.” The white man returns to me, and says, “Joseph, I have bought your horses, and you must let me have them.” If we sold our lands to the Government, this is the way they were bought.

On account of the treaty made by the other bands of the Nez Perces, the white men claimed my lands. We were troubled greatly by white men crowding over the line. Some of these were good men, and we lived on peaceful terms with them, but they were not all good.

Nearly every year the agent came over from Lapwai and ordered us on to the reservation. We always replied that we were satisfied to live in Wallowa. We were careful to refuse the presents or annuities which he offered.

Through all the years since the white men came to Wallowa we have been threatened and taunted by them and the treaty Nez Perces. They have given us no rest. We have had a few good friends among white men, and they have always advised my people to bear these taunts without fighting. Our young men were quick-tempered, and I have had great trouble in keeping them from doing rash things. I have carried a heavy load on my back ever since I was a boy. I learned then that we were but few, while the white men were many, and that we could not hold our own with them. We were like deer. They were like grizzly bears. We had a small country. Their country was large. We were contented to let things remain as the Great Spirit Chief made them. They were not and would change the rivers and mountains if they did not suit them.

Year after year we have been threatened, but no war was made upon my people until General Howard came to our country two years ago and told us that he was the white war-chief of all that country. He said: “I have a great many soldiers at my back. I am going to bring them up here, and then I will talk to you again. I will not let white men laugh at me the next time I come. The country belongs to the Government, and I intend to make you go upon the reservation.”

I remonstrated with him against bringing more soldiers to the Nez Perces country. He had one house full of troops all the time at Fort Lapwai.

The next spring the agent at Umatilla agency sent an Indian runner to tell me to meet General Howard at Walla Walla. I could not go myself, but I sent my brother and five other head men to meet him, and they had a long talk.

General Howard said: “You have talked straight, and it is all right. You can stay in Wallowa.” He insisted that my brother and his company should go with him to Fort Lapwai. When the party arrived there General Howard sent out runners and called all the Indians in to a grand council. I was in that council. I said to General Howard, “We are ready to listen.” He answered that he would not talk then, but would hold a council next day, when he would talk plainly. I said to General Howard: “I am ready to talk today. I have been in a great many councils, but I am no wiser. We are all sprung from a woman, although we are unlike in many things. We can not be made over again. You are as you were made, and as you were made you can remain. We are just as we were made by the Great Spirit, and you can not change us then why should children of one mother and one father quarrel—why should one try to cheat the other? I do not believe that the Great Spirit Chief gave one kind of men the right to tell another kind of men what they must do.”

General Howard replied: “You deny my authority, do you? You want to dictate to me, do you?”

Then one of my chiefs--Too-hool-hool-suit--rose in the council and said to General Howard: “The Great Spirit Chief made the world as it is, and as he wanted it, and he made a part of it for us to live upon. I do not see where you get authority to say that we shall not live where he placed us.”

General Howard lost his temper and said: “Shut up! I don’t want to hear any more of such talk. The law says you shall go upon the reservation to live, and I want you to do so, but you persist in disobeying the law (meaning the treaty). If you do not move, I will take the matter into my own hand, and make you suffer for your disobedience.”

Too-hool-hool-suit answered: “Who are you, that you ask us to talk, and then tell me I sha’nt talk? Are you the Great Spirit? Did you make the world? Did you make the sun? Did you make the rivers to run for us to drink? Did you make the grass to grow? Did you make all these things, that you talk to us as though we were boys? If you did, then you have the right to talk as you do.”

General Howard replied, “You are an impudent fellow, and I will put you in the guard-house, and then ordered a soldier to arrest him.”

Too-hool-hool-suit made no resistance. He asked General Howard: “Is that your order? I don’t care. I have expressed my heart to you. I have nothing to take back. I have spoken for my country. You can arrest me, but you can not change me or make me take back what I have said.”

The soldiers came forward and seized my friend and took him to the guard-house. My men whispered among themselves whether they should let this thing be done. I counseled them to submit. I knew if we resisted that all the white men present, including General Howard would be killed in a moment, and we would be blamed. If I had said nothing, General Howard would never have given another unjust order against my men. I saw the danger, and, while they dragged Too-hool-hool-suit to prison, I arose and said: “I am going to talk now. I don’t care whether you arrest me or not.” I turned to my people and said: “The arrest of Too-hool-hool-suit was wrong, but we will not resent the insult. We were invited to this council to express our hearts, and we have done so.” Too-hool-hool-suit was prisoner for five days before he was released.

The council broke up for that day. On the next morning General Howard came to my lodge, and invited me to go with him and White-Bird and Looking-Glass, to look for land for my people. As we rode along we came to some good land that was already occupied by Indians and white people. General Howard, pointing to this land, said: “If you will come on to the reservation, I will give you these lands and move these people off.”

I replied: “No. It would be wrong to disturb these people. I have no right to take their homes. I have never taken what did not belong to me. I will not now.”

We rode all day upon the reservation, and found no good land unoccupied. I have been informed by men who do not lie that General Howard sent a letter that night, telling the soldiers at Walla Walla to go to Wallowa Valley, and drive us out upon our return home.

In the council, next day, General Howard informed me, in a haughty spirit, that he would give my people thirty days to go back home, collect all their stock, and move on to the reservation, saying, “If you are not here in that time, I shall consider that you want to fight, and will send my soldiers to drive you on.”

I said: “War can be avoided, and it ought to be avoided. I want no war. My people have always been the friends of the white man. Why are you in such a hurry? I can not get ready to move in thirty days. Our stock is scattered, and Snake River is very high. Let us wait until fall, then the river will be low. We want time to hunt up our stock and gather supplies for winter.”

General Howard replied, “If you let the time run over one day, the soldiers will be there to drive you on to the reservation, and all your cattle and horses outside of the reservation at that time will fall into the hands of the white men.”

I knew I had never sold my country and that I had no land in Lapwai but I did not want bloodshed. I did not want my people killed. I did not want anybody killed. Some of my people had been murdered by white men, and the white murderers were never punished for it. I told General Howard about this, and again said I wanted no war. I wanted the people who lived upon the lands I was to occupy at Lapwai to have time to gather their harvest.

I said in my heart that, rather than have war, I would give up my country. I would give up my father’s grave. I would give up everything rather than have the blood of white men upon the hands of my people.

General Howard refused to allow me more than thirty days to move my people and their stock. I am sure that he began to prepare for war at once.

When I returned to Wallowa I found my people very much excited upon discovering that the soldiers were already in the Wallowa Valley. We held a council, and decided to move immediately to avoid bloodshed.

Too-hool-hool-suit, who felt outraged by his imprisonment, talked for war, and made many of my young men willing to fight rather than be driven like dogs from the land where they were born. He declared that blood alone would wash out the disgrace General Howard had put upon him. It required a strong heart to stand up against such talk, but I urged my people to be quiet, and not to begin a war.

We gathered all the stock we could find, and made an attempt to move. We left many of our horses and cattle in Wallowa, and we lost several hundred in crossing the river. All of my people succeeded in getting across in safety. Many of the Nez Perces came together in Rocky Canon to hold a grand council. I went with all my people. This council lasted ten days. There was a great deal of war-talk, and a great deal of excitement. There was one young brave present whose father had been killed by a white man five years before. This mans blood was bad against white men, and he left the council calling for revenge.

Again I counseled peace, and I thought the danger was past. We had not complied with General Howard’s order because we could not, but we intended to do so as soon as possible. I was leaving the council to kill beef for my family, when news came that the young man whose father had been killed had gone out with several other hot-blooded young braves and killed four white men. He rode up to the council and shouted: “Why do you sit here like women? The war has begun already.” I was deeply grieved. All the lodges were moved except my brothers and my own. I saw clearly that the war was upon us when I learned that my young men had been secretly buying ammunition. I heard then that Too-hool-hool-suit, who had been imprisoned by General Howard, had succeeded in organizing a war-party. I knew that their acts would involve all my people. I saw that the war could not then be prevented. The time had passed. I counseled peace from the beginning. I knew that we were too weak to fight the United States. We had many grievances, but I knew that war would bring more. We had good white friends, who advised us against taking the war-path. My friend and brother, Mr. Chapman, who has been with us since the surrender, told us just how the war would end. Mr. Chapman took sides against us, and helped General Howard. I do not blame him for doing so. He tried hard to prevent bloodshed. We hoped the white settlers would not join the soldiers. Before the war commenced we had discussed this matter all over, and many of my people were in favor of warning them that if they took no part against us they should not be molested in the event of war being begun by General Howard. This plan was voted down in the war-council.

There were bad men among my people who had quarreled with white men, and they talked of their wrongs until they roused all he bad hearts in the council. Still I could not believe that they would begin the war. I know that my young men did a great wrong, but I ask, “Who was first to blame?” They had been insulted a thousand times their fathers and brothers had been killed their mothers and wives had been disgraced they had been driven to madness by whisky sold to them by white men they had been told by General Howard that all their horses and cattle which they had been unable to drive out of Wallowa were to fall into the hands of white men and, added to all this, they were homeless and desperate.

I would have given my own life if I could have undone the killing of white men by my people. I blame my young men and I blame the white men. I blame General Howard for not giving my people time to get their stock away from Wallowa. I do not acknowledge that he had the right to order me to leave Wallowa at any time. I deny that either my father

Additional information: [The North American review. / Volume 128, Issue 269, April 1879]


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Komentari:

  1. Dennis

    Not the misfortune!

  2. Mazuzuru

    What a curious question

  3. Brazahn

    This information is not accurate

  4. Alton

    To je jednostavno izvanredan odgovor

  5. Gam

    Bratstvo o nama!

  6. Vonos

    Vrlo dobro, to se dobro bliži.

  7. Tur

    He certainly has rights



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