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Mađari najavljuju neovisnost - povijest

Mađari najavljuju neovisnost - povijest


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Kao odgovor na represivni ustav proglašen nakon neuspjele bečke revolucije, mađarska dijeta 14. travnja 1849. službeno je proglasila neovisnost od Austrije. Lajos Kossuth izabran je za guvernera Mađarske. Rusi interveniraju u ime Austrijanaca. Mađari su 9. kolovoza odlučno poraženi u bitci kod Temesovara, čime je okončana kandidatura Mađarske za neovisnost

Mađarska revolucija

Naši urednici će pregledati ono što ste podnijeli i odlučiti trebate li izmijeniti članak.

Mađarska revolucija, narodni ustanak u Mađarskoj 1956., nakon govora sovjetskog vođe Nikite Hruščova u kojem je napao razdoblje vladavine Josipa Staljina. Potaknuti novom slobodom rasprave i kritike, rastuća plima nemira i nezadovoljstva u Mađarskoj izbila je u aktivne borbe u listopadu 1956. Pobunjenici su pobijedili u prvoj fazi revolucije, a Imre Nagy postao je premijer, pristavši uspostaviti višestranački sustav. 1. studenog 1956. proglasio je mađarsku neutralnost i apelirao na Ujedinjene Narode za potporu, ali zapadne sile nisu bile voljne riskirati globalni sukob. Sovjetski Savez je 4. studenog napao Mađarsku kako bi zaustavio revoluciju, a Nagy je pogubljen zbog izdaje 1958. Ipak, dominacija i iskorištavanje staljinističkog tipa se nisu vratili, a Mađarska je nakon toga doživjela polagan razvoj prema nekoj unutarnjoj autonomiji.


Svečani govor Viktora Orbana o 170. godišnjici Mađarske revolucije 1848. – CIJELI GOVOR

Mađarska, Budimpešta – 15. ožujka 2018. Mađarska je proslavila 170. obljetnicu revolucije 1848. No, tri tjedna uoči izbora bio je to i izrazito politički dan. Stotine tisuća ljudi marširalo je kako bi pokazalo svoju podršku Viktoru Orbánu, koji je održao snažan, borilački govor:

Pozdravljam sve vas na mađarskoj proslavi slobode! Pozdravljam sve koji sudjeluju u Maršu mira. S posebnim poštovanjem pozdravljam naše poljske prijatelje. Naša bliskost je prirodna, a naš zagrljaj izvor snage. U vrijeme našeg praoca Kossutha zapisano je da su „Mađarska i Poljska dva neprolazna hrasta koja su izrasla dva odvojena debla, ali čiji su se korijeni isprepleli. Stoga je postojanje i snaga jednoga preduvjet za život i zdravlje drugoga ”. Ni danas nije drugačije: ako je Poljska jaka, onda se Mađarska ne može izgubiti ako smo jaki, možemo pomoći našim poljskim prijateljima. Stoga Marš mira nije samo skup za dobrobit naše zemlje, već i stav koji zauzimamo uz Poljsku. Svaka čast Poljskoj! Svaka čast Mađarskoj!

Još jednom, kolege slavljeni, došao je dan koji diže srce svakog Mađara. Na dan kada je u velikoj knjizi svjetske povijesti riječ napisana na mađarskom jeziku: ta je riječ bila "Sloboda". Na današnji dan okuplja se mnoštvo ljudi kako bismo počastili hrabre i sagnuli glavu u spomen na heroje. Posebno smo se danas okupili u velikom broju. Osim našeg iskazivanja poštovanja, sada postoji i poseban razlog i poseban cilj. Nešto više od tri tjedna od sada ćemo ponovno odlučiti o sudbini Mađarske. A ono što je u pitanju na ovim izborima nije samo četverogodišnji mandat. Znao sam da će nas ovdje biti mnogo i znao sam da ću ovdje vidjeti odlučna lica. To je upravo ono što nam danas treba: ozbiljnost i odlučnost. To nam je potrebno jer danas moramo razgovarati jedni s drugima o ozbiljnim stvarima: stvarima jednako ozbiljnim kao i onima koje smo morali rješavati prije 170 godina. Nasljednici smo 1848. revolucionara i boraca za slobodu, jer, baš kao i prije 170 godina, i danas moramo govoriti iskreno i izravno. Ako jasno ne navedemo što se događa s Mađarskom i zašto se to događa, tada nitko neće razumjeti. A ako to ne razumijemo, ne možemo donijeti zdravu odluku za tri tjedna. Stoga moramo govoriti izravno, bez kompromisa i bojažljivosti. Petőfi i njegovi suradnici jasno su to izrazili: "Hoćemo li biti robovi ili ćemo biti slobodni?" Svi su to razumjeli i svi su znali odgovoriti. Zajedno smo u proteklih trideset godina shvatili mnoge stvari. Zajedno smo vodili mnoge velike borbe i bitke za pamćenje. Ali najveća stvar koju bismo mogli ostvariti u svom životu, najveća bitka koju bismo mogli zajedno voditi je tek pred nama. I svaki pokazatelj je da je to odmah ispred nas. Situacija je, dragi prijatelji, da postoje oni koji nam žele oduzeti našu zemlju. Ne potezom pera, dogodilo se prije sto godina u Trianonu, sada žele da svoju zemlju dobrovoljno predamo drugima, u razdoblju od nekoliko desetljeća. Žele da to predamo strancima koji dolaze s drugih kontinenata, koji ne govore naš jezik i koji ne poštuju našu kulturu, naše zakone ili naš način života: ljudima koji žele zamijeniti ono što je naše s onim što je njihovo. Ono što žele je da odsada više nećemo mi i naši potomci živjeti ovdje, već drugi. Nema pretjerivanja u ovome što sam upravo rekao. Iz dana u dan vidimo kako velike europske zemlje i nacije gube svoje zemlje: malo po malo, od okruga do okruga i od grada do grada. Situacija je takva da su oni koji ne zaustavljaju useljavanje na svojim granicama izgubljeni: polako, ali sigurno ih troši. Vanjske snage i međunarodne sile žele nam sve to nametnuti, uz pomoć svojih saveznika ovdje u našoj zemlji. I oni vide naše predstojeće izbore kao dobru priliku za to.

Ostavština 1848. je da bi Mađarska trebala biti slobodna nezavisna i mađarska zemlja. Sve što nam je danas potrebno uključeno je u ove riječi. Kako je rekao Széchenyi, "nacionalni napredak, civilizirani umovi i robusna zemlja", a zatim je dodao da "Mnogi misle da je Mađarska bila, ali ja želim vjerovati da će to biti". Danas bismo grofu odgovorili da je Mađarska doista i bila. Danas je pitanje hoće li to biti. Drugim riječima, dragi prijatelji, ne želimo samo pobijediti na izborima, već i svoju budućnost. Europa - a unutar nje i mi Mađari - stigla je do prekretnice u svjetskoj povijesti. Nacionalne i globalističke snage nikada se nisu tako otvoreno međusobno usklađivale. Mi, milijuni s nacionalnim osjećajima, s jedne smo strane elitni „građani svijeta“, s druge strane. Mi koji vjerujemo u nacionalne države, obranu granica, obitelj i vrijednost rada s jedne smo strane. A suprotstavljaju nam se oni koji žele otvoreno društvo, svijet bez granica i nacija, nove oblike obitelji, obezvrijeđen rad i jeftine radnike - a svima njima upravlja vojska sjenovitih i neodgovornih birokrata. S jedne strane nacionalne i demokratske snage, a s druge strane nadnacionalne i antidemokratske snage. Ovo je stanje u Mađarskoj dvadeset četiri dana prije izbora.

Kolege slavljenici i maršači mira,

Završetak posla koji je pred nama još je daleko u budućnosti, ali rezultati u proteklih osam godina govore sami za sebe. Važno je podsjetiti se na to, ali to nije dovoljno. Europa i Mađarska stoje u epicentru civilizacijske borbe. Suočeni smo s masovnim kretanjem stanovništva koje je neposredna opasnost za poredak i način života koji smo poznavali kroz sve svoje živote do sada. Dakle, u isto vrijeme moramo braniti svoja dosadašnja postignuća i ući u bitku kako bismo osigurali da uopće ima smisla nastaviti. Ako ne zaštitimo svoj način života, izgubit će se smisao svega što smo postigli. Ako u budućnosti zemlja nije mađarska, koja je točka napretka? Ne ometajmo se: ne moramo se boriti protiv anemičnih malih oporbenih stranaka, već s međunarodnom mrežom koja je organizirana u carstvo. Protivimo se medijima koje vode strani koncerni i domaći oligarsi, profesionalno angažirani aktivisti, organizatori prosvjeda koji prave probleme, te lanac nevladinih organizacija financiranih od strane međunarodnog špekulanta, sažeto i utjelovljeno u imenu "George Soros". Ovo je svijet s kojim se moramo boriti kako bismo obranili ono što je naše. Dobar se vojnik ne bori zato što mrzi ono što mu se suočava, već zato što voli ono što je iza njega. Voli Mađarsku i Mađare.

Izrasli smo iz kršćanske kulture i pravimo razliku između osobe i njezinih djela. Nikada nikoga nismo mrzili i nikoga nećemo mrziti. Naprotiv, i dalje vjerujemo u moć suosjećanja i solidarnosti. Ali borit ćemo se protiv onoga što carstvo Georgea Sorosa čini Mađarskoj i što želi učiniti Mađarskoj. Ovo je naša domovina, ovo je naš život, i nemamo drugog. Stoga ćemo se za to boriti do kraja i nikada se nećemo predati. Znamo da će se u konačnici u svakom izbornom okrugu suprotstaviti našim kandidatima. Njihov je zadatak osvojiti vlast i provesti veliki plan: razbiti Mađarsku, koja stoji na putu imigranata i najprije naseliti tisuće, zatim desetke na desetke tisuća useljenika u Mađarskoj u roku od nekoliko godina. Ove brojke nisu pretjerivanje. Europa je sada pod invazijom. Dopustimo li da se to dogodi, u sljedećih jedno ili dva desetljeća iz Europe će iz Afrike i Bliskog istoka krenuti deseci i deseci milijuna u Europu. Zapadna polovica Europe na sve to gleda podignutih ruku u znak predaje. Oni koji dižu ruke položili su oružje i nikada više neće odlučiti o svojoj sudbini. Povijest poraženih kasnije će napisati drugi. Mladi Zapadne Europe to će vidjeti kad postanu manjine u svojim zemljama, a izgubili su jedino mjesto na svijetu koje bi se moglo nazvati domom. Pojavljuju se sile, kakve svijet već dugo nije vidio. U Africi će biti deset puta više mladih ljudi nego u Europi. Ako Europa ne učini ništa, srušit će nam vrata. Bruxelles ne brani Europu i ne zaustavlja useljavanje, već ga želi podržati i organizirati. Želi razrijediti stanovništvo Europe i zamijeniti ga, odbaciti našu kulturu, način života i sve ono što nas Europljane odvaja i razlikuje od ostalih naroda svijeta. Bit će mala utjeha što europski narodi neće oprostiti onim čelnicima koji su potpuno promijenili Europu, a da prije toga nisu pitali njen narod. Budimo ponosni na činjenicu da smo jedina zemlja u Europskoj uniji koja je pitala ljude žele li ili ne masovnu imigraciju.

Dame i gospodo, kolege slavljenici,

Naši izbori održat će se za tri tjedna. Stranke su objavljene, a kandidati registrirani. Mi ih poznajemo. Ima onih protiv kojih smo se borili trideset godina, i onih s kojima smo se borili deset godina - iako se ponekad čini kao da je prošlo stotinu godina. Stoga ne bismo trebali imati iluzije. Učimo iz prošlosti. I sami su priznali da su u stanju lagati ujutro u podne i navečer, bez zastajkivanja daha. Moramo biti spremni na situaciju u kojoj će se na kraju u svakoj izbornoj jedinici naš kandidat suprotstaviti jednom Soroševom kandidatu. Možda će se činiti da ih više stoji, a neki od njih povlače ručnu kočnicu, drugi se povlače u posljednjem trenutku, a treći se ponašaju kao da nisu ni prisutni. Moramo biti spremni da prihvate maske, poput prošlog puta, kada su se sakrili iza kandidata koji se predstavljao kao neovisan [Viktor Orbán misli na izvanredne općinske izbore u Hódmezővásárhelyju, ur.]. Ne usuđuju se priznati identitet svog gospodara. Oni znaju da nemaju šanse ako stanu ispred cijele zemlje i otvoreno izjave kome služe. Svi znaju da smo mi Mađari koji se protive useljavanju u većini. Naši protivnici imaju priliku samo ako uspiju podijeliti naš tabor, i ako uspiju razbiti naše jedinstvo. Njihov je cilj da bilo koji predmet dođe na raspravu osim opasnosti koja prijeti Mađarskoj. Naši protivnici također znaju da bi se sada o sudbini Mađarske moglo odlučivati ​​desetljećima. Stoga se neće zaustaviti ni pred čim: neće se svađati, ali se cenzurirati neće boriti, već štipati, šutirati, gristi i sijati mržnju kamo god stignu. Mi smo mirni i dobro raspoloženi ljudi, ali nismo ni slijepi ni lakovjerni. Nakon izbora, naravno, tražit ćemo ispravke - moralne, političke i pravne izmjene - ali ne možemo sada gubiti snagu ili svoje vrijeme na to. Otresat ćemo napade kao što pas otresa vodu. Usredotočit ćemo svoje snage samo na svoju misiju, i samo na naš zajednički cilj: obranu Mađarske. Ne zaboravimo prvi zakon izborne bitke: jedinstvo je snaga, jedan tabor, jedna zastava i potrebni su nam svi.

Izvor: Facebook stranica Viktor Orbán ’s

Znam da je ova bitka teška za sve. Razumijem boje li se i neki od nas. To je razumljivo, jer se moramo boriti protiv protivnika koji je drugačiji od nas. Njihova lica nisu vidljiva, ali su skrivena od pogleda, ne bore se izravno, ali kradomice nisu časna, ali neprincipijelno nisu nacionalna, ali međunarodna, ne vjeruju u posao, ali špekuliraju novcem da nemaju domovinu, ali osjećajte da je cijeli svijet njihov. Nisu velikodušni, već osvetoljubivi i uvijek napadaju srce - osobito ako je crveno, bijelo i zeleno. Ali, dragi prijatelji, oduvijek smo znali da je mnogo toga u igri. Mađarska nas je povijest navikla da se borimo za ono što je prirodna prerogativa sretnijih naroda. Za nas je dovoljan jedan potres, dovoljna je vladavina hromih pataka, dovoljan je izborni rezultat koji ide po zlu i sve je zaostalo - sve na čemu smo proveli godine napornog rada. Ovo je kutak svijeta koji je izložen elementima i koji povijest ne ostavlja na miru - iako smatramo da smo do sada to doista zaslužili. Naši preci su to dobro izrazili: kukavički narod nema domovinu. I skupili smo hrabrost kad je trebalo. Nikada nije bilo lako. Pogledajte samo oko sebe kipove na ovom trgu: car u Beču osudio je Andrássyja na smrt. Rákóczi je umro u izgnanstvu Bečki saveznici otjerali su Kossuth iz zemlje u kojoj su komunisti ubili Istvána Tisu. Nikada nije bilo lako, ali ipak smo na kraju uvijek pobijedili. Na kraju smo poslali sultana kući sa svojim janjičarima, cara Habsburga sa svojim suučesnicima i Sovjete sa svojim drugovima. A sada ćemo ujaka Georgiea poslati zajedno s njegovom mrežom. Molimo vas da se vratite u Ameriku i usrećite Amerikance, a ne nas.

Zaista je misterij kako smo nakon toliko poraza uvijek ponovno ustali. I kako je moglo biti da smo još uvijek ovdje nakon tisuću godina? Možda zato što smo oduvijek znali da naše postojanje ima smisao izvan nas samih. Oduvijek smo znali da ovdje postoji kultura, duša i duh koji je kroz stoljeća dizao srca, tješio ljude i podržavao nas. Imamo ujedinjujući i ujedinjujući pojam: imamo nacionalno samopoštovanje. Nismo se toliko udaljili od kršćanstva da se naš sidreni lanac prekinuo. Naravno da je ponekad naša vjera poljuljana, a u takvim trenucima i naš nacionalni ponos je narušen. Ali nikada ih se nismo odrekli, pa ih nismo ni izgubili, pa se oni iznova dižu, preplavljuju i osvajaju srca.

Znamo da ni mi nismo besprijekoran narod, a u našoj povijesti bilo je mračnih sati i hladnih dana, ali sigurni smo da smo svijetu dali više nego što smo mu uzeli. Bez Mađara svijet bi bio siromašniji, povijest srednje Europe bila bi bolnija, a bez nas bi Karpatski bazen bio i gore mjesto. Stoga imamo pravo na postojanje. Stoga, i sada, nemamo razloga za strah. Sve što trebamo reći je da onaj tko je Mađar pripada nama, i mi ćemo pobijediti. Ponovno ćemo pobjeđivati ​​jer je Mađarska zemlja Mađara.

Dame i gospodo, kolege slavljenici,

2010., kad smo ponovno ustali na svoje noge, kad smo ustali, u Bruxellesu i u drugim centrima carstva počeli smo se boriti za Mađare, bili smo još sami. Ali onda su došli Poljaci, Slovaci i Česi. Tada je Amerika izabrala predsjednika protiv imigracije, a Britanci su krenuli svojim putem. Izrael i dalje stoji čvrsto. Zatim su u Austriji na vlast došli domoljubi, a Talijani su također odbacili useljavanje. Sada je jednostavno pitanje jesmo li mi Mađari učili na tuđim greškama. Jesmo li naučili da se samo jednom može nešto upropastiti - a ako smo to jednom izgubili, to je kraj? Neće biti druge šanse, niti ispita za ponovno polaganje. Ako brana pukne, tada voda ulijeva, a kulturna okupacija postat će nepovratna. Ulozi budućnosti su stavljeni na stol. Zato bih sada želio uputiti nekoliko riječi mladima među vama. Kada bih to trebao učiniti, ako ne 15. ožujka?

Možda se osjećate kao da je cijeli svijet vaš i kao da biste mogli preuzeti sve koji dolaze. I u pravu ste: nedostatak ambicija definicija je osrednjosti. A život je uzalud ako ne učinite nešto s njim. No, i u vašim će životima doći trenutak kada shvatite da je nekome potrebno mjesto, jezik, dom u kojem je netko među svojima i u kojem se može živjeti na siguran način, okružen dobrom voljom drugih. Mjesto na koje se može vratiti i gdje se može osjetiti da postoji smisao života, te da na kraju neće samo skliznuti u zaborav. Nasuprot tome, dodaje i postaje dio veličanstvene tisućljetne kreacije koju jednostavno nazivamo našom domovinom: mađarska domovina. Mladi Mađari, sada vas domovina treba. Domovini je potrebno da dođete i borite se s nama, tako da kad vam zatreba, vaša će domovina i dalje biti tu za vas.

Mislim da smo rekli sve što treba reći. Upregli smo se, osedlali i pripremili se za trotjednu izbornu kampanju koja je pred nama. Ostaje nam samo zatražiti Božju pomoć. Danas ne pjesmom, kako to obično činimo, već govornim stihovima, kako nas je učio Ferenc Kölcsey. Ovo još nismo učinili, ali pokušajmo zajedno.

O, moj Bože, mađarski blagoslov

Uz obilje Tvoje i dobro raspoloženje!

Uz tvoju pomoć, njegov tisak za pravičan cilj,

Tamo gdje se pojavljuju njegovi neprijatelji za borbu.

Sudbina, koja se toliko dugo mrštila,

Donesite mu sretna vremena i načine

Otkupna tuga je otežala

Grijesi prošlih i budućih dana.

Mađari! Podignite zastave visoko! Napredujte u bitku! Živjela mađarska sloboda, živjela domovina! Naprijed do pobjede!


Sadržaj

Mađarsko osvajanje Karpatskog bazena Edit

Kako kaže Primarna kronika, prve interakcije između Mađara i Kijevske Rusije dogodile su se krajem 9. stoljeća tijekom mađarskog osvajanja Karpatskog bazena, na Askoldovom grobu u Kijevu. Tijekom seobe Mađara iz ruske stepe u Panonski bazen, Mađari su prešli rijeku Dnjepar u blizini Kijeva, glavnog grada Kijevske Rusije. [3] Tamo su ostali na mjestu Askoldova groba, na kraju su mirno prošli gradom. [4] Tijekom srednjeg vijeka, mjesto Askoldovog groba postalo je poznato na ukrajinskom kao Uhors'ke urochyshche (Ukrajinski: Ugorske uročiŝe, lit. 'Mađarski trakt'), u spomen na mađarski prolaz kroz to područje, i zadržao je to ime i danas.

Godine 895. Mađari su ušli u Panonsku kotlinu kroz prijevoj Verecke u Karpatskim planinama (danas u Ukrajini), gdje su nastavili Kraljevinu Mađarsku. [5] Godine 1996. mađarska vlada dobila je dopuštenje od Ukrajine za postavljanje spomenika u spomen na 1100. godišnjicu prolaska Mađara kroz prijevoj Verecke i mađarskog osvajanja Karpatskog bazena. Dovršen 2008. godine od strane mađarskog kipara Pétera Matla, građevina se nalazi na granici Lavovske i Zakarpatske oblasti u blizini sela Klymets. [6]

Tijekom mađarskih invazija na Europu u 10. stoljeću, Mađari i Kijevska Rusija su se u različito vrijeme našli u međusobnom savezništvu. 943. Ruske su snage pružile potporu mađarskoj ofenzivi protiv Bizantskog Carstva, koja je kulminirala kupnjom mira od strane bizantskog cara Romana I. Lekapenosa. [7] Tijekom konačne mađarske invazije na Europu, 970. godine, veliki kijevski knez Sviatoslav I napao je Bizantsko Carstvo podržavajući mađarske pomoćne postrojbe, na kraju se suočivši s porazom u bitci kod Arkadiopolisa i učinkovito okončavši mađarsku invaziju na Europu. [8]

Karpato-Ukrajina Edit

Godine 1939., nakon raspada Druge Čehoslovačke Republike, bivša autonomna Karpato-Ukrajina proglasila je neovisnost 15. ožujka. Istoga dana, Mađarska je okupirala i pripojila teritorij. Tijekom nekoliko dana 40.000 jaka mađarska vojska nadjačala je ograničene snage novoproglašene nepriznate države koja je imala samo 2.000 vojnika. [9] Do 18. godine mađarske su snage preuzele potpunu kontrolu nad teritorijom Karpato-Ukrajine. [10]

U kaosu koji je uslijedio, ubijeno je 27.000 ukrajinskih civila. [10] Otprilike 75.000 Ukrajinaca s tog područja zatražilo je azil u Sovjetskom Savezu, od kojih je 60.000 na kraju umrlo u sovjetskim Gulagima. [10]

Moderni odnosi Uredi

Suvremeni bilateralni odnosi između Mađarske i Ukrajine započeli su početkom 1990 -ih, nakon završetka komunizma u Mađarskoj 1989. godine i neovisnosti Ukrajine od Sovjetskog Saveza 1991. [1] Odnedavno su 2016. odnosi između dva naroda ostali uglavnom pozitivni. [11]

Jezični zakon iz 2017. Uredi

U rujnu 2017. tadašnji predsjednik Ukrajine Petro Poroshenko potpisao je ukrajinski Zakon o obrazovanju iz 2017. koji je prethodno usvojio ukrajinski parlament. Novi zakon učinio je ukrajinski potrebnim jezikom učenja za sve državne škole u Ukrajini nakon petog razreda, poništivši zakon iz 2012. koji je potpisao svrgnuti bivši ukrajinski predsjednik Viktor Janukovič i koji je dopuštao regijama s etničkom manjinom koja čini više od deset posto stanovništva da koristiti manjinske jezike u obrazovanju. [12] Iako je uglavnom namjeravala obeshrabriti uporabu ruskog jezika u javnom obrazovanju, ta je politika značila da će škole na područjima Zakarpatije s većinskim mađarskim stanovništvom, uključujući mnoge koje izravno financira mađarska vlada, biti prisiljene prestati poučavati na mađarskom jeziku. [13]

Promjena pravila poslužila je kao katalizator brzog pogoršanja odnosa između Mađarske i Ukrajine. Odmah nakon usvajanja zakona, mađarski ministar vanjskih poslova Péter Szijjártó najavio je da će Mađarska blokirati svaku daljnju integraciju Ukrajine u NATO i Europsku uniju i ponudio "jamčiti da će sve to u budućnosti biti bolno za Ukrajinu". [14] Ovo je označilo značajan pomak u mađarskoj vanjskoj politici prema Ukrajini, budući da je prethodno podupirala snažniju ukrajinsku integraciju u NATO i Europsku uniju i zalagala se za bezvizno putovanje između Ukrajine i Europske unije, uglavnom radi putovanja u Mađarska je lakša za mađarsku manjinu u Ukrajini. [15]

Ispunivši svoja obećanja, Mađarska je u listopadu 2017. uložila veto i učinkovito blokirala sazivanje sastanka povjerenstva NATO-Ukrajina. [16] Kao odgovor, ukrajinski dužnosnici najavili su ustupke nekim mađarskim zahtjevima, a ponajviše su produljili prijelazno razdoblje do provedbe zakona o jeziku do 2023. [17]

Vojna baza Berehove Edit

U ožujku 2018., ukrajinska vlada objavila je plan za obnovu vojne baze u pograničnom gradu Berehove, s etničkom većinom, koji se nalazi deset kilometara od mađarske granice. [18] Plan je zahtijevao trajno postavljanje 800 ukrajinskih vojnika iz 10. brdsko -jurišne brigade i 128. brdsko -jurišne brigade u bazu. [19]

Ukrajinski dužnosnici suočili su se s trenutnom reakcijom mađarske vlade nakon objave. Mađarski ministar vanjskih poslova Péter Szijjártó ponovio je da će Mađarska blokirati svaku daljnju integraciju Ukrajine u NATO ili Europsku uniju sve dok se ne riješe mađarske brige, te je nazvao postavljanje baze na većinski etnički mađarskom području "odvratnim". [19]

Planovi za bazu u konačnici su napušteni, međutim, u svibnju 2020., dužnosnici su ponovno najavili planove za obnovu iste vojne baze i trajno stacioniranje tamošnjih ukrajinskih trupa, ovaj put iz 80. zračno -jurišne brigade. [20]

Distribucija mađarske putovnice Edit

U rujnu 2018. prikriveni video zapis koji prikazuje odobravanje mađarskog državljanstva i podjelu mađarskih putovnica ukrajinskim državljanima od strane diplomata u mađarskom konzulatu u Berehovu izazvao je nove napetosti između dva naroda. Videozapis, koji je objavio Ukrinform, snimio je primatelje novih putovnica koji izgovaraju zakletvu savezništva Mađarskoj i pjevaju mađarsku himnu. [21] [22] Budući da je dobrovoljno dobivanje stranog državljanstva, a da se ne odriče ukrajinskog državljanstva, prema zakonu o ukrajinskom državljanstvu nezakonito, mađarski diplomati uputili su nove građane da skrivaju posjedovanje mađarskih putovnica od ukrajinskih vlasti. [23]

Kao odgovor na incident, Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova Ukrajine proglasilo je lokalnog mađarskog konzula u Berehoveu persona non grata, protjeravši ga s ukrajinskog teritorija i optužujući ga za kršenje Bečke konvencije o konzularnim odnosima. Mađarska je pak najavila protjerivanje ukrajinskog konzula u Budimpešti i ponovila prijetnje da će blokirati daljnji pristup Ukrajine NATO -u i Europskoj uniji. [24]

Ukrajinski parlamentarni izbori 2019. Edit

Uoči ukrajinskih parlamentarnih izbora 2019. mađarski su dužnosnici u brojnim prilikama pokušali utjecati na rezultate u korist kandidata koje podržava Stranka Mađara Ukrajine, politička stranka aktivna u Zakarpatskoj oblasti. Konkretno, mađarska vlada radila je na uticanju birača u korist lidera stranke Vasyl Brenzovycha i još dva kandidata koji se natječu za mjesta u Vrhovnoj Radi, ukrajinskom parlamentu. Stranka je primala izravna plaćanja u obliku mađarskog novca za bespovratna sredstva, a Mađarska razvojna banka potrošila je 800.000 mađarskih forinti (u to vrijeme oko 2.400 eura) plaćajući reklamne panoe koji podržavaju tu organizaciju kršeći ukrajinske zakone.

Tijekom srpnja 2019. godine, neki od vodećih mađarskih ličnosti posjetili su Zakarpatiju kako bi održali skupove i lobirali kod birača za stranačke kandidate, uključujući ministra vanjskih poslova Pétera Szijjártóa. Otprilike u isto vrijeme, čelnik stranke i parlamentarni kandidat Vasyl Brenzovych posjetio je Budimpeštu kako bi prisustvovao sastanku s premijerom Mađarske Viktorom Orbanom. Unatoč opsežnim naporima, niti jedna stranka Stranke Mađara Ukrajine nije konačno izabrana. [25]

Kao odgovor na miješanje, ukrajinska vlada optužila je Mađarsku za kršenje Povelje Ujedinjenih naroda i Bečke konvencije o diplomatskim odnosima. [25]

Zbog značajnog manjinskog stanovništva unutar međusobnih granica, Mađarska i Ukrajina održavaju razgranatu mrežu diplomatskih misija u obje zemlje. Mađarska ima veleposlanstvo u Kijevu, generalni konzulat u Užgorodu i konzulat u Berehoveu [26], dok Ukrajina ima veleposlanstvo u Budimpešti [26] i generalni konzulat u Nyíregyházi. [27]


Mađarska: Satelitska nacija

Nakon pokušaja da se Mađarska olakša komunizmu, Sovjetska Rusija je odustala nakon što je izgubila političku poziciju, te je donijela Mađarski ustav iz 1949. godine, pretvarajući Mađarsku u Narodnu Republiku Mađarsku. Od tada do 1956. poduzete su opsežne komunističke reforme, uključujući nacionalizaciju svih industrija i preraspodjelu poljoprivrednog zemljišta. Bilo je nekih pozitivnih učinaka, poput širenja javnog obrazovanja (kao propagandna strategija). Međutim, politička previranja nakon Staljinove smrti 1953. godine, sve do Hruščovovog preuzimanja 1956. godine, dovoljno su oslabila sovjetsku vlast da dopusti Oktobarsku revoluciju 1956. godine.


Mađarski rat za neovisnost

‘Užasno mnoštvo pobunjenih hordi koje sam pronašao u Kápolni razasute su i uglavnom uništene, a ostaci bježe preko Tise. Nadam se da ću za nekoliko dana biti u Debrecenu i uspjeti zauzeti to središte pobune. Takvu je poruku poslao caru Francu Josefu I. feldmaršal Alfred Fürst (Knez) zu Windisch-Grätz, vrhovni zapovjednik austrijske carske vojske u Mađarskoj nakon bitke kod Kápolne 27. veljače 1849. Windisch-Grätz vidio je sve razloge da svoju pobjedu smatra prekretnicom u ratu koji je Mađarska vodila od rujna 1848. za postizanje neovisnosti od Austrije. Kad je Franz Josef, teoretski i austrijski car i ugarski kralj, dobio vijest o pobjedi, sastavio je u Olmützu novi ustav koji je u biti potvrdio apsolutističke moći Habsburške monarhije. Nominalno je prihvatio parlamentarnu monarhiju, ali je ipak ukinuo svaku autonomiju za odvojene nacije unutar svog carstva.

Prethodna 1848. godina bila je godina revolucija u cijeloj Europi. Hapsburško carstvo, konglomerat različitih srednjoeuropskih nacija, bilo je među regijama opustošenim pobunama. Takozvana Sveta alijansa, koju su stvorile Rusija, Austrija, Pruska i Britanija kako bi čuvale stari sustav monarhija u Europi nakon poraza francuskog cara Napoleona 1815., srušila se usred vala buržoaskih i liberalnih pobuna u Parizu, Veneciji, Berlinu i Praga. U glavnom gradu Austrije u Beču, kancelar princ Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar von Metternich, najodaniji branitelj starog poretka, srušen je narodnom pobunom 13. ožujka. Car Ferdinand V., osjećajući se ugroženim, obećao je ustavne reforme i opuštanje potiskivačke napore u cijelom carstvu. Dana 18. ožujka talijanski revolucionarni nacionalisti u Milanu pobunili su se protiv austrijske vlasti, a 22. Kraljevina Sardinija-Pijemont objavila je rat u ime nacionalista u austrijskim talijanskim pokrajinama. U međuvremenu, slavensko stanovništvo carstva izražavalo je nezadovoljstvo, a Mađarska, najveći teritorij unutar carstva, također je pokazala znakove pobune.

Nerazvijena mađarska područja desetljećima su se borila za građanske reforme. Predvođeni Lajosom Kossuthom, malom skupinom istaknutih aristokrata i#8212 ekskluzivnih nositelja političkih prava u kraljevstvu — zalagali su se za radikalne promjene radi prevladavanja industrijske i političke zaostalosti zemlje. Tim se nastojanjima žestoko usprotivila vlada u Beču, koja je htjela da Mađarska sa svojom bogatom poljoprivredom i obilnim izvorima sirovina ostane ostava carstva i tržište za austrijsku i boemsku industrijsku robu. Vienna entered into an alliance with the more conservative elements of the Hungarian nobility and tried to slow down reforms by any possible means.

A bloodless revolution by liberal and radical elements in Pest on March 15, 1848, finally put an end to the continual debates regarding class representation by a Diet (national assembly) that represented only the nobility. Encouraged by the uprising in Vienna, the radicals, rallying around poet and revolutionary Sandor Petöfi, summed up and published their demands in Twelve Points, along with Petöfi’s Nemzeti dal (National Song) — a significant step in itself, since both were published without prior permission from the censors. Terrified by the accelerated speed of events, the aristocracy accepted the proposals of the liberals without objection, and Emperor Ferdinand signed reform laws on April 11.

The new legislation, the so-called April Laws, abolished the institution of serfdom, which dated back to the Middle Ages, and made peasants the owners of the land they cultivated. It also revoked the tax-free status of the nobility and ended censorship. The Hungarian kingdom became a constitutional monarchy. The Diet, hitherto drawn from the nobility and convened only by request of the king, was replaced by a representative parliament, which was to meet annually and to which the first prime minister, Grof (Count) Lajos Batthyány, was responsible. The military forces were reorganized into a national guard, and ultimately every soldier of the Imperial army who was stationed in Hungary had to take an oath of allegiance to the government in Buda.

The Imperial court in Vienna, however, regarded the April Laws as mere temporary measures. The ardent supporters of an absolute sovereign power, who feared losing Hungary’s resources and manpower if there was a complete separation between Austria and Hungary, could not openly oppose the changes, principally because Austrian forces were already engaged in a war in Italy. Secretly, though, the Imperialists supported conspiracies to undermine the new government.

The territory of 19th-century Hungary included the entire Carpathian basin, but less than half of the population spoke Magyar as their mother tongue — the other ethnic groups spoke a variety of Slavic languages, Romanian or German. Those ethnic groups set out on the road to modern nationhood almost simultaneously with the Hungarians, and although they welcomed the achievements of the revolution, the leaders of the Serbs, Croats, Romanians and Slovaks soon started to demand autonomy themselves. Their ambitions were not appreciated by the Hungarian politicians, who did not tolerate political autonomy for any other ethnic groups, except in the case of the Croats, whose territorial claims went back several centuries. The Imperial court took advantage of this situation, inciting the various national movements to revolt against the new Hungarian government.

The first uprising within Hungary was launched in June 1848 by ethnic Serbs living on the southern border, who received support from Serbian frontier guards and armed volunteers. On September 17, the Croatian governor, Colonel Josip Jellacic, attacked Hungary. Then, in October, the Romanians living in Transylvania began an armed revolt against the Hungarian community.

At first, the Hungarian government did not have enough military power to protect the country. Although it controlled 15 out of 58 Imperial line infantry regiments, five out of 20 grenadier battalions, 12 out of 37 cavalry regiments and an additional 18 border guard infantry regiments, most of those were stationed in distant territories of the Austrian empire, and their withdrawal to the homeland was slow. The Imperial army units stationed within the country were mostly of foreign origin, their soldiers loyal to the Hungarian government only in theory, and they openly revolted in the fall of 1848. Thus, the actual military power that the Hungarians were able to muster, even including two supplementary Italian battalions and nine hussar regiments, consisted of 26 infantry battalions instead of the original 58 — a total of 25,000 men. Additionally, the Hungarians had absolutely no heavy cavalry, which was traditionally a specialty of the Austrians, Bohemians and Italians.

To supplement the regular troops, the roughly 60,000 national guardsmen who had been originally mobilized to secure internal order were ordered into active service. Only a quarter of them were armed, however, and the majority lacked any significant military training — their three or four weeks of mandatory camp service was grossly inadequate to instill the necessary skills.

After repulsing Jellacic’s forces at the Battle of Pákozd on September 29, a Hungarian army crossed the border into Austria on October 3. After a second revolution broke out in Vienna on October 6, the Hungarians slowly advanced on the capital to support the revolutionaries — only to find an Imperial army under Field Marshal Windisch-Grätz ready to confront it at Schwechat on October 30. The Hungarian national guardsmen could not effectively counter the Imperial artillery in the battle that ensued, and many of them fled the battlefield without firing a shot. Windisch-Grätz crushed the Viennese revolt on the following day.

After the lessons learned in the Serbian uprising, the Hungarian government started building a regular army independent of the Imperial military forces. In the summer of 1848, 10 brown-coated Honvéd (national defense) battalions — 10,000 soldiers — were added to the old Imperial units, and the number of the newly organized battalions was increased to 53 by the end of the year. Imperial hussar regiments that had been stationed too far away to join the Hungarian army were re-formed in Hungary and then expanded from 12 to 18 regiments. Young men from the educated elite were recruited into the artillery and soon became so proficient that the Austrians thought they were French mercenaries fighting on the Hungarian side.

The army was organized by the Committee for National Defense, which had been formed to work alongside the government. With Kossuth as its president after the resignation of Prime Minister Batthyány in October, the committee became the absolute executive power. Under Kossuth’s leadership, the number of troops in the Hungarian army had reached 100,000 by the end of October.

After secretly supporting revolts against the Hungarians, the Imperial court finally decided on an open confrontation in December. Ferdinand V, who had accepted the April Laws, was forced to abdicate and was succeeded on December 2 by his nephew, Franz Josef I, who had just turned 18. According to the Imperial court, Franz Josef was not bound by the promises of his predecessors, but he was never considered to be a legitimate king by the Hungarians, who claimed that they neither elected nor crowned him. Thus, the peace proposals made to the new emperor by the Hungarians, as well as an attempt by the U.S. ambassador to mediate between the two countries, proved fruitless. Franz Josef ordered his army to attack Hungary.

Under the leadership of Field Marshal Windisch-Grätz, an Imperial army of 55,000 troops started from Vienna for Buda while additional attacks were carried out by other Imperial forces stationed around Hungary. The Hungarian army was defeated on every front, and Windisch-Grätz’s troops occupied Buda and Pest on January 5, 1849. Only the slow, deliberate nature of the Imperial advance, which allowed the Hungarians time to regroup and bring reinforcements up to the line, prevented them from being completely routed.

Following their initial baptism of fire, however, the Hungarian soldiers became more effective as they became more experienced. English-born Maj. Gen. Richard Guyon exhorted his Honvéd infantry regiment before the conquest of the Branisko Pass on February 5 with the desperate words: If you advance further, you’ll get double the money, but if you dare to withdraw, I’ll shoot you! By the end of the winter, his battalions, once labeled chicken-livered by fellow Hungarians, were able to match the veteran Imperial troops.

Hungarian fortunes took a turn for the better with the appointment of Polish Lt. Gen. Joséf Bem as commander of the Transylvanian army. Romanians fighting alongside the Imperial troops were harassing the Hungarian forces almost everywhere in Transylvania by the end of 1848, but under Bem’s leadership the Transylvanian army was able to completely rout the Imperial forces. Then, with a series of lightning strikes and superior mobility, Bem drove them from northern Transylvania.

Subsequently, the territory lying to the east of the Tisza River was secured, allowing the Hungarian government, which had moved to Debrecen, to boost military production and organize new regiments. With Windisch-Grätz’s offensive stalled and about to collapse, the Hungarians regrouped their scattered troops behind the Tisza and began to prepare a counteroffensive. Kossuth appointed another Polish volunteer, Lt. Gen. Henryk Dembinski, commander in chief of the Hungarian army. Compared to Bem, however, Dembinski proved to be a poor choice. After leading his troops across the Tisza, he failed to adequately reconnoiter the enemy’s movements, and his scattered army was surprised by a large Imperial force under Windisch-Grätz at Kápolna on February 26. After heavy fighting, the isolated Hungarian sections were defeated on the following day.

Thus, the great hopes that the Hungarians had placed on their offensive were stifled at the beginning. Windisch-Grätz issued a sanguine report following his victory at Kápolna — but he was premature in boasting of his triumph. He was compelled to postpone his attack on the territory east of the Tisza because of tough resistance, and the initiative again passed into the hands of the Hungarians. Facing an equally strong Imperial force — both armies numbered about 50,000 troops each — General György Klapka, who took charge of Hungarian forces from Dembinski, devised a bold plan to tip the balance in his favor. The Imperial troops were situated far west of the Tisza, which enabled the Hungarians to divide their army into two groups. While one corps feinted on the northern wing in the direction of Gyöngyös and Hatvan, the remaining three corps were able to move undetected in the southern wing, encircle the Imperial forces and attack from their rear in the area of Gödöllo.

The spring campaign began with a decisive victory for the Hungarians, as Lt. Gen. Artúr Görgei’s corps effectively surprised the Austrians in the Battle of Hatvan on April 2. The Hungarians’ failure to effectively reconnoiter the area, however, resulted in a cavalry skirmish at Tápióbicske two days later, and although the Hungarians were victorious, the encounter tipped off the Austrians to their plan to encircle them. Consequently, though defeated again at Isaszeg on the 6th, the Austrian forces were able to withdraw from the pincers maneuver and retire toward Pest. Since it was still risky to attack the isolated but still formidable Imperial army in Pest, the Hungarians bypassed the city and moved west to lay siege to Komárom, in the center of the territories under Imperial control.

Komárom was one of the strongest fortresses in the Hapsburg empire, but its location at the crossing point of the Danube and Vág rivers presented the Hungarians an opportunity to conquer both shores of the Danube, thereby cutting off the Imperial reinforcements heading toward Pest. While two corps were kept near Pest to keep Windisch-Grätz uncertain about the Hungarians’ intentions, the remaining three corps made a wide detour on the left shore of the Danube and defeated the Imperial troops setting up blockades at Vác and Nagysalló on April 19. On April 26, the last remnants of Imperial forces defending Komárom were destroyed at Acs, compelling the Austrians to abandon the defensive line of the Danube River.

The Hungarians’ strategy had been extremely risky. If the Austrians had learned how weak the force outside Pest was before the Hungarians had launched their offensive, their army at Pest would have been destroyed, allowing the Imperial forces to advance unhindered as far as Debrecen. In retrospect, Görgei remarked, Such a maneuver one can certainly afford against Prince Windisch-Grätz. After this series of failures, Windisch-Grätz was forced to resign from his post as commander in chief, and his successor, Field Marshal Julius Jacob Freiherr von Haynau, had to withdraw the Austrian military forces all the way back to the starting point of their winter campaign in the outskirts of Vienna. The closing event of the spring campaign was the recapture of the Buda castle by the Honvéd forces on May 21. Meanwhile, after a series of battles with varying degrees of success, Bem finally succeeded in driving the last Imperial forces from Transylvania by the end of April. Bem had also won victories in Serbia in March, leaving the majority of the country in Hungarian hands for the first time since the start of the war.

The spring battles ended in a stalemate, with neither side holding a decisive advantage, but at that point Austria turned to her traditional ally, Russia, for help. Czar Nicholas I, worried that the revolution would spread as far as Poland, was eager to offer his army to put down the Hungarian revolt. At the same time, Kossuth, pointing out Ferdinand’s abdication and Franz Josef’s ominous Olmütz constitution, convinced the government to declare the dethronement of the Hapsburg dynasty on April 14, thereby hoping to gain the support of the Western European powers for a Hungarian republic. France, however, was busy with its own internal problems, and Britain saw the entire European balance of power endangered by a weakened Hapsburg empire. Thus, after being informed about Russia’s plans for intervention, the British foreign minister declared to the Russian ambassador, Maybe they are right, but get done with them [the Hungarians] quickly.

The Russians surprised everybody with the strength of their response. Both the Imperial military leadership and the Hungarians were expecting a maximum force of 60,000 Russian soldiers. The Austrian failures, however, led the cautious czar to decide that the military force he was sending needed to be strong enough to ensure victory without Imperial aid. Thus, he eventually supported Franz Josef with 200,000 soldiers and put an additional 80,000 on alert. The Imperial army could field 170,000 men, while the Hungarians expanded their army to about the same number. With the Russian forces stepping in, the Hungarian army was facing a combined force more than double its size. There could be no doubt that the two double-headed eagles — the heraldic birds of both imperial dynasties — would ultimately emerge victorious.

The Hungarian military leadership pinned its last hope on dealing the Imperial army a heavy blow on the left shore of the Danube before the Russians arrived, in order to create more favorable circumstances for any future peace negotiations. The planned summer offensive was halted, however, when railroad trains sped up the arrival of Russian reinforcements from Poland.

Following the declaration of complete independence from Austria on April 14, the Hungarian government appointed Görgei both commander in chief of the army and minister of defense. Kossuth, the provisionally elected governing president, declared Szeged, near Hungary’s southern border with the politically neutral Ottoman empire, to be the assembly point for the Hungarian forces. Theoretically, the location was also suitable to carry out movements against the Serbian forces and thus threaten the entire territory. Kossuth’s plan had a serious weakness, however. Although it created an opportunity for uniting the entire Hungarian army, it also enabled the union of the Austrian and Russian forces. The allied Russian and Austrian armies intended to surround the Hungarian forces in a pincer maneuver from the north and west, while their troops in Transylvania, by retaking the lost territory, would block further resistance by controlling the eastern part of the country.

The summer campaign started successfully for the allies, with 30,000 Hungarian troops unable to stop a 60,000-strong army at the western border under Haynau. The Imperial commander unexpectedly relocated his soldiers onto the left shore of the Danube and cut off the main Hungarian army from Buda.

Meanwhile, two Russian armies, commanded by Field Marshal Ivan Fyodorovich Paskievich, Prince of Warsaw, and Lt. Gen. Pavel Khristoforovich Grabbe, began marching south from the Carpathians on June 17, intending to converge on Vác, on the shore of the Danube, to block the Hungarian army’s shortest route to Szeged. The 16,000 Hungarian troops guarding Hungary’s northern border, commanded by yet another Polish volunteer, General Józef Wysocki, were hopelessly outnumbered by Paskievich’s army. Görgei’s army, however, was not only withdrawing before Haynau’s advance but was also maneuvering to strike the Russians in flank. Recognizing the threat, Paskievich advanced cautiously, allowing Wysocki to conduct a slow fighting retreat to central Hungary, where he was able to unite with a newly organized force under General Mór Perczel.

The inexorable Russian advance from the north compelled Görgei to make a large detour around them in the direction of Losonc, Rimaszombat, Miskolc, Tokaj and Nagyvárad. Although he had only 30,000 troops under his immediate command, Görgei managed to stop the 120,000 troops of Paskievich’s main army by harassing the Russian lines of communication. Moving along the Russians’ exterior lines, his troops performed brilliantly, reaching their designated targets in spite of the Russians’ being much closer to those objectives. With very little loss, on August 9 Görgei’s men arrived at Arad, which by then had been redesignated as the assembly point in place of Szeged.

Meanwhile, Bem — with heavy losses — tied down Russian forces in Transylvania, preventing them from reaching the Hungarian plains. First he stopped Russian Lt. Gen. Magnus Johann von Grotenheilm’s army at Bezsterce on July 10, then struck at the rear of the main Russian force, under General of Infantry Aleksandr Nikolayevich Lüders. Austrian Lt. Gen. Eduard Graf von Clam-Gallas, who had been left behind to pacify the region, was unable to cope with the Hungarian troops in Transylvania. Therefore, Lüders had to interrupt his march toward the main theater of war three times in order to assist his Austrian ally until he finally managed to defeat Bem’s army at Segesvár on July 31 and destroy it at Nagyczür on August 6.

In the meantime, a Hungarian division under Maj. Gen. György Kmety, which had been separated from Görgei’s army in the early stages of Haynau’s offensive, withdrew from Csorna southeast toward Szabadka, where he joined the troops of Lt. Gen. Antal Vetter fighting at the southern border. Thus strengthened, their combined forces were able to drive Jellacic’s Austrian troops and Serbian rebels back to the southern bank of the Danube.

At that point, the opportunity still existed for the Hungarians to assemble 70,000 soldiers from different battlefields and strike at Haynau’s army, which had been reduced to less than 30,000 men. However, Dembinski, commanding 34,000 troops at Szeged, gave up the city on August 5. Then, instead of heading toward Arad, he marched toward Temesvár — which was in Austrian hands — completely forfeiting any chance of a future linkup with Görgei’s army. Bem, who had managed to escape the debacle at Segesvár by feigning death, took command of the retreating army from the inadequate Dembinski and tried to make a stand at Temesvár on August 9, but his force was routed by Haynau. Bem, Dembinski and Kossuth fled to Turkey, but Haynau had nine other rebel generals hanged and four more shot at Arad.

From then on, there was no point in further fighting. After withdrawing from Arad with his remaining army — by then down to 22,000 troops — Görgei surrendered to a Russian force under General of Cavalry Friedrich Wilhelm von Rüdiger, which had been pursuing him from the north, at Világos on August 13, 1849. Görgei’s surrender to the Russians rather than to the Austrians was a last gesture of defiance, implying that the Hungarians had failed only because of the Russian intervention.

Defeat was followed by a large-scale — and, even by the standards of the time, brutal — retaliation against the rebellious Hungarians. I shall uproot the weed, Haynau swore. I shall set an example to the whole of Europe of how rebels should be treated and how order, peace and tranquillity should be ensured for a century. Hungary’s first prime minister, Batthyány, died before a firing squad on October 6. On Haynau’s orders, more than 100 people were executed, 1,200 Imperial officers fighting on the Hungarian side were sentenced to imprisonment, and an additional 40,000 to 50,000 officers and soldiers were drafted into the Imperial army.

After spending time in Turkey, Kossuth left for America in September 1851 aboard the U.S. Navy frigate Mississippi, and between December and July 1852 he toured the United States at the invitation of the government. At receptions in New York, Philadelphia and Boston, he was touted as the Hungarian George Washington, and in January 1852 he addressed the Senate and House of Representatives, the second non-American to do so since the Marquis de Lafayette in 1824. He died, still in exile, in Turin, Italy, on March 20, 1894. Many other former Honvéd troops who fled to the United States put their combat experience to use again in the Union army during the American Civil War. Joséf Bem remained in Turkey, embraced Islam and, under the adopted name of Murad Pasha, became governor of Aleppo, where he died on December 10, 1850.

In spite of Austria’s ultimate victory, the prophecy of future British Prime Minister Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston, was fulfilled: Continuing the fight till the end, he had predicted, Austria is crushing her right hand in this war. The social changes brought about by the revolutionary legislation were irreversible. After a series of failures, both abroad and at home, during the 1850s and early 1860s, Franz Josef I was finally compelled to compromise and create a dualistic state out of the Hapsburg empire in 1867. The first prime minister of the Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy was Grof Gyula Andrássy, who had fought in the war as a hussar officer and who, during his years in exile, had been sentenced to death by Emperor Franz Josef and hanged in effigy.

This article was written by János B. Szabó and originally appeared in the August 1999 issue of Vojna povijest časopis. Za više sjajnih članaka svakako se pretplatite Vojna povijest časopis danas!


56 History

Hungary fell under Soviet control after the communist-rigged elections of 1947. The years that followed introduced a system of tyranny under which Hungarians suffered economic deprivation, mass arrests, and a systematically cruel oppression by the communist government. In 1953, following the death of Stalin, signs of economic crisis appeared, caused by a fatally misguided state-controlled agrarian policy. The Hungarian communist hard-liner, Mátyás Rákosi, was suddenly replaced by reformer Imre Nagy, also a communist, but one who believed in “Communism with a human face.”

This welcome “thaw” lasted for only 18 months, to be followed again by a period of repression first under Rákosi, then under his lieutenant, Ernõ Gerõ. But Khruschev’s famous speech given at the February,1956 Party Congress, in which he surprisingly criticized Stalin’s personality cult and actions, opened the gate in Hungary to similar criticism against the morally bankrupt Communist system. Dissatisfaction with the system grew: writers, university students and journalists pressed for major changes, until it all erupted in a mass demonstration of support for the striking workers of Poznan, Poland. On October 23, in a spontaneous demonstration approximately 200,000 Hungarians gathered in front of the Parliament. Thus, the Hungarian Revolution began.

The following timeline includes information on some of the most significant events of the Revolution…

October 23
Hungarian university students gathered and marched to the statue of József Bem, a Polish General who led Hungarian freedom fighters during the 1848 Revolution, to express solidarity for the Polish workers fighting against communism. The protest soon swelled to 200,000 Hungarians demanding independence in front of the Parliament.
The thousands of protestors marched to Radio Budapest to have their 16 demands read on air, but were denied access to the building by the hated AVH (Hungarian Secret Police, also referred to as AVO). When the students did not disperse, but instead began yelling slogans like, “Russians, go home!” The AVH fired on the crowd.
Hungarian soldiers who did not agree with the troops shooting on unarmed student protestors quickly joined forces with the freedom fighters and provided them weapons to protect themselves.
Stalin statue was toppled and dragged through the streets.
An uprising broke out at the Szabad Nép newspaper, the mouthpiece of the Communist Party.

News of the events in Budapest spread across the country.
Soviet and Hungarian military armored units entered Budapest.

The first Revolutionary newspaper, entitled Igazság (Truth) was published.
Protestors again gathered in front of the Parliament and began calling for Imre Nagy. AVH troops lined up on the top of the Parliament and the Ethnographic Museum, across the street, opened fire and killed more than 100 (some sources estimate between 300-500) protestors.
Workers Councils were formed at the Csepel Iron and Metal Works.

Revolutionary groups were formed in the Thököly út-Dózsa György út area (7th District) and at Széna tér (2nd District). Freedom fighters also occupied Móricz Zsigmond körtér (11th District), and the Danubia Arms Factory.
The Revolution spread to the countryside. In Mosonmagyaróvár the AVH fired into a crowd of peaceful demonstrators, killing 85 men, women and children.

The army occupied Szabadság Bridge and Móricz Zsigmond Square.
The Radio announced the composition of a new government.

The new government was sworn in.
Imre Nagy reclaimed his position as Prime Minister and began negotiations with the Soviets to convince them to leave Hungary.
In his radio address, Imre Nagy stated that the Soviet troops would withdraw from Hungary, the AVH would be dissolved, and the traditional Hungarian flag would be used, among other promises.

The most severely compromised communist leaders – such as: Ernõ Gerõ András Hegedûs and, István Kovács – fled overnight to Moscow.
Israel invaded Egypt, beginning the Suez Canal crisis.

Cardinal József Mindszenty was freed.
Soviet troops withdrew from Budapest to await further orders.
Imre Nagy announced on the radio the end of the one-party system and the formation of a Coalition government.
Szabad (Free) Kossuth Radio began radio broadcasts.
Freedom fighters stormed the Headquarters of AVH on Köztársaság Square. Some estimates claim that 43 AVH officers were killed, 7 of them lynched by protestors hungry for revenge after the Mosonmagyaróvár massacre.
On Köztársaság tér, freedom fighters heard human cries coming from under the street. They began several days of digging to look for a secret underground AVH prison, but to no avail.
Soviet Leadership made the secret decision to crush the rebellion with military intervention.

Withdrawal of Soviet troops from Budapest was completed.

Imre Nagy declared Hungary’s neutrality and attempted to withdraw from the Warsaw Pact, but no one responded.

Soviet leaders Khrushchev and Malenkov met with Romanian, Czechoslovak and Bulgarian leaders in Bucharest, as they prepared for the Soviet military intervention in Hungary.

General Pál Maléter agreed to meet with the Soviet leadership to sign an agreement to withdrawal their troops from Hungary. Despite their promise of safe conduct, Maléter and his delegation were arrested, kidnapped and taken to Romania (they were later executed).

At dawn, approximately 2,000 tanks rolled back into Budapest from Romania to crush the Revolution.
The Kilian Barracks were captured by the Soviets after fierce fighting.
Cardinal Mindszenty sought political asylum at the US Embassy, where he remained for 15 years.
SOS messages were repeatedly broadcast to the UN and the West, but no one responded.


Početak

March 1, 1848 in Pozzhn, where the Hungarian state assembly met, came the news of the revolution in Paris. On March 3, Kossuth made a fiery speech demanding the immediate implementation of a liberal reform program, the introduction of a constitution and the formation of a government responsible to the parliament. Soon the revolution broke out in Vienna, Metternich was deprived of his powers, and the Emperor Ferdinand promised the Austrians a constitution and civil liberties.

On March 15, the delegation of the Hungarian Parliament went to Vienna to transmit the petition adopted on the basis of the Kossuth program. On the same day, an uprising began in Pesta: under the influence of the published “Twelve Points” by Jozsef Irini and the “National Song” by Shandor Petofi, students and urban intelligentsia surrounded the city’s administrative institutions, released M. Tancic from prison and deposed the municipal authorities. The demands of the insurgents in Pest were the introduction of press freedom, the proclamation of equality of civil rights, the creation of a responsible government, the annual convening of the parliament, the introduction of universal taxation and jury trials, the liberation of the peasants and the union with Transylvania. The uprising quickly spread throughout the country.


Richard Henry Lee, Virginia's delegate to the Continental Congress, presents the Lee Resolution reading in part: "Resolved: That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."

Congress postpones consideration of the Lee Resolution and appoints the "Committee of Five" to draft a final statement declaring the case for America's independence. The Committee of Five is composed of: John Adams of Massachusetts, Roger Sherman of Connecticut, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, Robert R. Livingston of New York and Thomas Jefferson of Virginia.


Austria-Hungary, 1867–1918

The economic consequences of the defeat in the war of 1866 made it imperative that the constitutional reorganization of the Habsburg monarchy, under discussion since 1859, be brought to an early and successful conclusion. Personnel changes facilitated the solution of the Hungarian crisis. Friedrich Ferdinand, Freiherr (baron) von Beust (later Graf [count] von Beust), who had been prime minister of Saxony, took charge of Habsburg affairs, first as foreign minister (from October 1866) and then as chancellor (from February 1867). By abandoning the claim that Hungary be simply an Austrian province, he induced Emperor Franz Joseph to recognize the negotiations with the Hungarian politicians (Ferenc Deák and Gyula, Gróf [count] Andrássy) as a purely dynastic affair, excluding non-Hungarians from the discussion. On February 17, 1867, Franz Joseph restored the Hungarian constitution. A ministry responsible to the Hungarian Diet was formed under Andrássy, and in May 1867 the diet approved Law XII, legalizing what became known as the Ausgleich (“Compromise”). This was a compromise between the Hungarian nation and the dynasty, not between Hungary and the rest of the empire, and it is symptomatic of the Hungarian attitude that led Hungarians to refer to Franz Joseph and his successor as their king and never their emperor.

In addition to regulating the constitutional relations between the king and the Hungarian nation, Law XII accepted the unity of the Habsburg lands for purposes of conducting certain economic and foreign affairs in common. The compromise was thus the logical result of an attempt to blend traditional constitutional rights with the demands of modern administration. In December 1867 the section of the Reichsrat representing the non-Hungarian lands of the Habsburg empire (known as the engerer Reichsrat) approved the compromise. Though after 1867 the Habsburg monarchy was popularly referred to as the Dual Monarchy, the constitutional framework was actually tripartite, comprising the common agencies for economics and foreign affairs, the agencies of the kingdom of Hungary, and the agencies of the rest of the Habsburg lands—commonly but incorrectly called “Austria.” (The official title for these provinces remained “the kingdoms and lands represented in the Reichsrat” until 1915, when the term “Austria” was officially adopted for them.)

Under the Ausgleich, both parts of the Habsburg monarchy were constitutionally autonomous, each having its own government and a parliament composed of an appointed upper and an elected lower house. The “common monarchy” consisted of the emperor and his court, the minister for foreign affairs, and the minister of war. There was no common prime minister and no common cabinet. Common affairs were to be considered at the “delegations,” annual meetings of representatives from the two parliaments. For economic and financial cooperation, there was to be a customs union and a sharing of accounts, which was to be revised every 10 years. (This decennial discussion of financial quotas became one of the main sources of conflict between the Hungarian and Austrian governments.) There would be no common citizenship, but such matters as weights, measures, coinage, and postal service were to be uniform in both areas. There soon developed the so-called gemeinsamer Ministerrat, a kind of crown council in which the common ministers of foreign affairs and war and the prime ministers of both governments met under the presidency of the monarch. The common ministers were responsible to the crown only, but they reported annually to the delegations.

The Ausgleich for all practical purposes set up a personal union between the lands of the Hungarian crown and the western lands of the Habsburgs. The Hungarian success inspired similar movements for the restoration of states’ rights in Bohemia and Galicia. But the monarch, who only reluctantly had given in to Hungarian demands, was unwilling to discontinue the centralist policy in the rest of his empire. Public opinion and parliament in Austria were dominated by German bourgeois liberals who opposed the federalization of Austria. As a prize for their cooperation in compromising with the Hungarians, the German liberals were allowed to amend the 1861 constitution known as the February Patent the Fundamental Laws, which were adopted in December 1867 and became known as the December constitution, lasted until 1918. These laws granted equality before the law and freedom of press, speech, and assembly they also protected the interests of the various nationalities, stating that

all nationalities in the state enjoy equal rights, and each one has an inalienable right to the preservation and cultivation of its nationality and language. The equal rights of all languages in local use are guaranteed by the state in schools, administration, and public life.

The authority of parliament was also recognized. Such provisions, however, were more a promise than a reality. Although parliament, for instance, did theoretically have the power to deal with all varieties of matters, it was, in any case, not a fully representative parliament ( suffrage was restricted, and it was tied to property provisions until 1907). In addition, the king was authorized to govern without parliament in the event that the assembly should prove unable to work. Austrian affairs from 1867 to 1918 were, in fact, determined more by bureaucratic measures than by political initiative traditions dating from the reign of Joseph II, rather than capitalist interests, characterized the Austrian liberals.


Gledaj video: Teritorij Hrvatske od staroga vijeka do osmanlijskih osvajanja (Lipanj 2022).


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