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Anti-japansko zakonodavstvo u Kaliforniji

Anti-japansko zakonodavstvo u Kaliforniji



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Japansku vladu razumljivo je zabrinuo tretman s obzirom na njihovo iseljeništvo koje živi u Sjedinjenim Državama. Theodore Roosevelt djelovao je 1908. kako bi ugušio ranije napetosti, ali se rasna situacija ponovno zahuktala, rano u Wilsonovom prvom mandatu.Korijeni tjeskobe u Kaliforniji bili su različiti. Međutim, nesviđanje prema Japancima bilo je osobito akutno zbog jake radne etike koja je mnogima od njih omogućila uspjeh u poslovnim pothvatima i akumulaciju velikog posjeda zemlje. Posljednja karakteristika postala je predmetom predloženog zakona koji razmatra zakonodavac Kalifornije. Japanska vlada žestoko se pobunila protiv Wilsona, koji je poslao državnog tajnika Williama Jenningsa Bryana u Kaliforniju u osuđenom nastojanju da spriječi da mjera postane zakon. Napetosti su se razvile do te mjere da su se ratne glasine naširoko proširile. Na kraju je kriza nestala, dobrim dijelom zahvaljujući japanskom priznanju Wilsonovog iskrenog pokušaja da spriječi donošenje zakona i razumijevanju da predsjednik ne može diktirati politiku zakonodavna tijela. Pitanje zemljišta u Kaliforniji bilo je još jedno na rastućem popisu pitanja koja su zaoštrila odnos između Sjedinjenih Država i Japana.


Za ostale Wilsonove vanjske poslove.


Kratka povijest preseljenja Japanaca i Amerikanaca tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata

vježbanje na Manzanaru

7. prosinca 1941. Sjedinjene Države ušle su u Drugi svjetski rat kada je Japan napao američku pomorsku bazu u Pearl Harboru. U to je vrijeme gotovo 113.000 ljudi japanskog podrijetla, od kojih dvije trećine američkih državljana, živjelo u Kaliforniji, Washingtonu i Oregonu. Dana 19. veljače 1942. predsjednik Franklin D. Roosevelt potpisao je Izvršnu naredbu broj 9066 kojom se američkoj vojsci daje ovlaštenje za određivanje područja iz kojih "sve ili sve osobe mogu biti isključene". Nijedna osoba japanskog porijekla koja živi u Sjedinjenim Državama nikada nije bila osuđena za bilo kakav ozbiljan čin špijunaže ili sabotaže tijekom rata. Ipak, ti ​​nevini ljudi uklonjeni su iz svojih domova i smješteni u centre za preseljenje, mnogi za vrijeme rata. Nasuprot tome, između 1942. i 1944., 18 bijelaca je suđeno za špijuniranje za Japan, a najmanje deset je osuđeno na sudu.

Da bi se razumjelo zašto je vlada Sjedinjenih Država odlučila ukloniti Japanske Amerikance sa Zapadne obale u najvećem pojedinačnom prisilnom preseljenju u povijesti SAD -a, potrebno je uzeti u obzir mnoge čimbenike. Predrasude, ratna histerija i politika pridonijeli su ovoj odluci.

Antiazijske predrasude Zapadne obale

Anti-azijske predrasude, osobito u Kaliforniji, počele su kao anti-kineski osjećaji. O kulturnim i ekonomskim silama koje su dovele do anti-japanskih osjećaja detaljno je raspravljao Daniels i ovdje ih sažeo. Kineska imigracija u SAD započela je otprilike u isto vrijeme kad i kalifornijska zlatna groznica 1849. Tijekom početnih faza ekonomskog buma koji je pratio zlatnu groznicu, kineska radna snaga bila je potrebna i dobrodošla. Međutim, uskoro su bijeli radnici počeli smatrati Kineze, koji su 1870. godine činili oko 10 posto stanovništva Kalifornije, konkurentima. Ovo se ekonomsko natjecanje povećalo nakon dovršetka transkontinentalne Unije i središnje pacifičke željeznice 1869. godine, koja je zapošljavala oko 10.000 kineskih radnika. Kineska radna snaga bila je jeftina radna snaga, a ta je ekonomska pritužba postala ideologija azijske inferiornosti slična postojećim američkim rasnim predrasudama. Diskriminacija je postala zakonodavna i na državnoj i na saveznoj razini, uključujući i kineski zakon o isključenju useljenika koji je 1882. usvojio Kongres SAD -a.

Iskustva kineskih imigranata nagovijestila su iskustva japanskih imigranata, koji su počeli pristizati otprilike u isto vrijeme kada je usvojen kineski zakon o isključenju. Japanski imigranti zvali su se Issei, iz kombinacije japanskih riječi za "jednu" i "generaciju" njihova djeca, druga generacija rođena u Americi, su Nisei, a treća generacija su Sansei. Nisei i Sansei koji su se školovali u Japanu zovu se Kibei. Issei su uglavnom dolazili s japanskog sela, a općenito su stigli, bilo na Havaje ili na zapadnu obalu kopna, s vrlo malo novca. Otprilike polovica su postali poljoprivrednici, dok su drugi otišli u obalna urbana središta i radili u malim trgovačkim objektima, obično za sebe ili za druge Isseije.

Anti-japanski pokreti započeli su ubrzo nakon početka japanske imigracije, proizašle iz postojećih anti-azijskih predrasuda. Međutim, anti-japanski pokret postao je široko rasprostranjen oko 1905. godine, što zbog povećane imigracije, što zbog japanske pobjede nad Rusijom, prvog poraza jedne zapadne nacije od jedne azijske nacije u moderno doba. I Issei i Japan počeli su se doživljavati kao prijetnje. Diskriminacija je uključivala osnivanje protu-japanskih organizacija, poput Azijske lige isključenosti, pokušaje segregacije škola (što je na kraju pogodilo Nisei pod doktrinom "odvojenih, ali jednakih") i sve veći broj nasilnih napada na pojedince i tvrtke.

Japanska vlada je kasnije protestirala protiv ovakvog postupanja prema svojim građanima. Kako bi održao japansko-američko prijateljstvo, predsjednik Theodore Roosevelt pokušao je pregovarati o kompromisu, uvjeravajući školski odbor u San Franciscu da poništi segregacionistički poredak, sputavajući kalifornijsko zakonodavno tijelo od donošenja više japanskog zakonodavstva i izrade onoga što je poznato kao "gospodski sporazum" "s japanskom vladom. Time je japanska vlada pristala ograničiti emigraciju u kontinentalne Sjedinjene Države na radnike koji su već bili u Sjedinjenim Državama i na roditelje, supruge i djecu radnika koji su već bili tamo.

1913. Kalifornija je donijela Zakon o zemljištu stranaca koji je zabranio vlasništvo nad poljoprivrednim zemljištem "strancima koji nemaju pravo na državljanstvo". Godine 1920. snažniji Zakon o zemljištu stranaca zabranio je i zakup i dijeljenje zemljišta. Oba zakona temeljila su se na pretpostavci da su Azijci stranci koji nemaju pravo na državljanstvo, što je pak proizlazilo iz uskog tumačenja statuta o naturalizaciji. Statut je prepisan nakon Četrnaestog amandmana na ustav kako bi se omogućila naturalizacija "bijelih osoba" i "stranaca afričkog podrijetla". Taj je isključivost, očito namjera Kongresa, ozakonio Vrhovni sud 1921. godine, kada je Takao Ozawi uskraćeno državljanstvo. Međutim, Nisei su po rođenju bili građani, pa su roditelji često prenosili vlasništvo na svoju djecu. Zakon o useljavanju iz 1924. zabranio je daljnju japansku imigraciju, uz nuspojavu vrlo jasnog generacijskog jaza između Isseija i Niseja.

Mnogi anti-japanski strahovi proizlazili su iz ekonomskih čimbenika u kombinaciji sa zavišću, budući da su mnogi issejski poljoprivrednici postali vrlo uspješni u uzgoju voća i povrća u tlu koje je većina ljudi smatrala neplodnim. Drugi strahovi bili su vojne prirode. Rusko-japanski rat pokazao je da su Japanci sila na koju se treba računati, te je potaknuo strah od osvajanja Azije-"Žute opasnosti". Ti su čimbenici, plus percepcija "drugosti" i "azijske nedokučivosti" koji su obilježili američke rasne stereotipe, uvelike utjecali na događaje nakon Pearl Harbora.

U razdoblju nakon Pearl Harbora

Od 7. prosinca, Ministarstvo pravosuđa organiziralo je uhićenje 3.000 ljudi koje je smatralo "opasnim" neprijateljskim vanzemaljcima, od kojih su polovica bili Japanci. Od Japanaca, uhićeni su bili vođe zajednice koji su bili uključeni u japanske organizacije i vjerske skupine. Dokazi o stvarnim subverzivnim aktivnostima nisu bili preduvjet za uhićenje. U isto vrijeme zamrznuti su bankovni računi svih neprijateljskih stranaca i svi računi u američkim podružnicama japanskih banaka. Ove dvije radnje paralizirale su japansko -američku zajednicu lišivši je i vodstva i financijske imovine.

Krajem siječnja 1942. mnogi Japanci koje je uhitilo Ministarstvo pravosuđa prebačeni su u logore za zatočenike u Montani, Novom Meksiku i Sjevernoj Dakoti. Često njihove obitelji tjednima nisu imale pojma o tome gdje se nalaze. Neki su se internirani kasnije ponovno okupili sa svojim obiteljima u centrima za preseljenje. Međutim, mnogi su ostali u logorima Pravde za vrijeme rata.

Nakon Pearl Harbora, šok podmuklog napada na američko tlo izazvao je raširenu histeriju i paranoju. To svakako nije pomoglo kada je Frank Knox, Rooseveltov tajnik mornarice, okrivio Pearl Harbor za "najučinkovitiji rad pete kolone koji je izašao iz ovog rata, osim u Norveškoj". Knox je očito već shvatio da je nespremnost lokalne vojske daleko zasjenila svaku špijunažu u uspjehu napada, ali nije želio da zemlja izgubi vjeru u mornaricu. Ovo žrtveno žrtvovanje otvorilo je vrata senzacionalističkim novinskim naslovima o sabotažama, aktivnostima pete kolone i skoroj invaziji. Takve priče nisu imale činjenične osnove, ali su hranile sve veće sumnje u japanske Amerikance (J.A.C.P. 1973). Zapravo, što se tiče japanskih napada na kopno, vojska je već zaključila da su japanski prepadi mogući, ali da je svaka velika invazija izvan sposobnosti japanske vojske, kao i svaka invazija Japana od strane američke vojske.

"Vojna nužnost"

Nakon što je napad na Pearl Harbor proglašen ratnim stanjem na Havajima i svi civili bili su podvrgnuti ograničenjima putovanja, sigurnosti i policijskog sata koje je uvela vojska. Japanski ribarski brodovi su zaplijenjeni, a pojedinci koji se smatraju potencijalno opasnim su uhićeni.

Političari su pozvali na masovno zatvaranje ljudi japanskog porijekla na Havajima. No vojska se opirala: jedna trećina havajskog stanovništva bila je japanskog podrijetla i vojska nije imala dovoljno vojnika koji bi ih čuvali niti dovoljno brodova da ih pošalju na kopno. Što je još važnije, njihov je rad bio presudan za civilno i vojno gospodarstvo otoka. Na kraju je manje od 1.500 (od 150.000 stanovnika) bilo zatvoreno i na kraju uklonjeno na kopno.

Jedan od ključnih igrača u zabuni nakon Pearl Harbora bio je general -potpukovnik John L. DeWitt, zapovjednik Zapovjedništva zapadne obrane i 4. armije SAD -a. DeWitt je imao povijest predrasuda prema ne-bijelim Amerikancima, čak i onima koji su već bili u vojsci, i lako ga je pokolebala svaka glasina o sabotaži ili neminovnoj japanskoj invaziji.

DeWitt je bio uvjeren da bi, ako može kontrolirati sve civilne aktivnosti na zapadnoj obali, mogao spriječiti još jednu katastrofu tipa Pearl Harbor. J. Edgar Hoover iz FBI -a ismijavao je "histeriju i nedostatak prosuđivanja" DeWittova vojnog obavještajnog odjela, navodeći takve incidente kao navodnu sabotažu dalekovoda koju su zapravo uzrokovala stoka.

Ipak, u svom Završnom izvješću (1943.), DeWitt navodi i druge razloge "vojne potrebe" evakuacije, poput navodnih signalnih svjetala i neidentificiranih radijskih prijenosa, od kojih niti jedan nikada nije provjeren. Također je inzistirao na oduzimanju oružja, streljiva, radija i kamera bez naloga. On je to nazvao "skrivenim skladištima krijumčarenja", iako je većina zaplijenjenog oružja bila iz dvije legitimne trgovine sportske robe.

U početku, DeWitt nije prihvaćao opsežno uklanjanje svih japanskih Amerikanaca sa zapadne obale. Dana 19. prosinca 1941. general DeWitt preporučio je "da se akcija pokrene što je prije moguće da se prikupe svi vanzemaljski subjekti stariji od četrnaest godina i više, neprijateljskih nacija i odvedu ih" u unutrašnjost zemlje i drže "pod suzdržanošću" nakon uklanjanja ". Dana 26. prosinca rekao je generalnom namjesniku general Allen W. Gullion da "vrlo sumnjam da bi bilo zdravorazumsko da se 117 000 Japanaca stažira u ovom kazalištu. Američki državljanin je, ipak, američki državljanin. svi oni možda nisu lojalni, mislim da možemo ukloniti nelojalne od lojalnih i zaključati ih ako je potrebno ".

Uz ohrabrenje pukovnika Karla Bendetsona, načelnika Odjela za strance Provost Marshalla, 21. siječnja DeWitt je preporučio vojnom tajniku Henryju Stimsonu uspostavu malih "zabranjenih zona" oko strateških područja iz kojih će neprijateljski vanzemaljci i njihova djeca rođena ukloniti, kao i neke veće "ograničene zone" gdje bi se držale pod strogim nadzorom. Stimson i državni odvjetnik Francis Biddle složili su se, iako je Biddle bio odlučan u namjeri da ne učini ništa kako bi povrijedio ustavna prava Japanskih Amerikanaca.

Međutim, 9. veljače DeWitt je zatražio mnogo veće zabranjene zone u Washingtonu i Oregonu koje su uključivale čitave gradove Portland, Seattle i Tacomu. Biddle je odbio to učiniti, ali predsjednik Roosevelt, uvjeren u vojnu neophodnost, pristao je zaobići Ministarstvo pravosuđa. Roosevelt je dao vojsci "carte blanche" da učini što god žele, uz upozorenje da bude što razumniji.

Dva dana kasnije, DeWitt je podnio svoje posljednje preporuke u kojima je pozvao na uklanjanje svih Japanaca, domorodaca, ali i stranaca, te "drugih subverzivnih osoba" sa cijelog područja koje leži zapadno od Sierra Nevade i Kaskadnog gorja. DeWitt je ovo široko uklanjanje opravdao "vojnom nuždom" navodeći da je "japanska rasa neprijateljska rasa", a "sama činjenica da do danas nije došlo do sabotaže uznemirujuća je i potvrdna naznaka da će se takva akcija poduzeti".

17. veljače Biddle je posljednji put pokušao uvjeriti predsjednika da je evakuacija nepotrebna. Osim toga, general Mark Clark iz Glavnog stožera u Washingtonu, DC, bio je uvjeren da je evakuacija suprotna vojnoj nuždi, jer će upotrijebiti previše vojnika koji bi se inače mogli boriti. Tvrdio je kako "nikada nećemo imati savršenu obranu od sabotaže osim na račun drugih jednako važnih napora". Umjesto toga, preporučio je zaštitu kritičnih instalacija korištenjem sustava propusnica i dozvola te po potrebi selektivnim uhićenjima.

U međuvremenu, japansko -američka zajednica, osobito Nisei, pokušavali su uspostaviti svoju lojalnost postajući upravnici zračnih napada i pridružujući se vojsci (kad im je to bilo dopušteno). Budući da je toliko ljudi u vodstvu Isseija bilo zatvoreno tijekom početnih uhićenja, organizacije Nisei, osobito JACL, stekle su utjecaj u japansko -američkoj zajednici. JACL -ovu politiku suradnje i smirivanja prihvatili su neki japanski Amerikanci, ali su je drugi omalovažili.

U početku nije bilo dosljednog postupanja s Nisei koja se pokušala prijaviti ili koja je bila regrutirana. Većina odbora za selektivnu službu odbacila ih je klasificirajući ih kao 4-F ili 4-C (neprikladne za službu zbog rase ili podrijetla), ali su prihvaćene kod drugih. Ratno ministarstvo zabranilo je daljnje uvođenje u Nisei nakon 31. ožujka 1942. "Osim ako može biti izričito odobreno u iznimnim slučajevima." Izuzetak su bili dvojezični Nisei i Kibei koji su bili instruktori i tumači jezika. Svi podnositelji zahtjeva japanskog podrijetla službeno su klasificirani kao 4-C nakon 14. rujna 1942. godine.

Dok je vojska raspravljala o ograničenjima za japanske Amerikance i ograničavala njihovo sudjelovanje u ratu, javno mnijenje na zapadnoj obali je raslo u podršci ograničavanju svih osoba japanskog podrijetla. Anti-japansko-američko raspoloženje u medijima obilježeno je uredništvom Los Angeles Times: "Poskok je ipak zmija posvuda gdje se izleže jaje - pa japanski Amerikanac, rođen od japanskih roditelja - izraste u Japanca, a ne u Amerikanca."

Unatoč protivljenju Biddlea, JACL -a i generala Marka Clarka, 19. veljače 1942. predsjednik Roosevelt potpisao je Izvršnu naredbu 9066, ovlašćujući vojnog tajnika "da propisuje vojna područja na takvim mjestima i u onoj mjeri u kojoj on ili odgovarajući vojni zapovjednik može odrediti iz kojih se sve ili sve osobe mogu isključiti, a u odnosu na koje pravo bilo koje osobe da uđe, ostane u njoj ili izađe iz nje podliježe ograničenjima koja mogu postaviti Ratni tajnik ili odgovarajući vojni zapovjednik u Ratni tajnik ovlasćen je ovime osigurati stanovnicima bilo kojeg takvog područja koji su odatle isključeni, prijevoz, hranu, sklonište i druge smještajne kapacitete koji mogu biti potrebni prema presudi vojnog tajnika ili spomenutog vojnog zapovjednika. . "

Sredinom veljače na Zapadnoj obali održana su saslušanja kongresnog odbora na čelu s kalifornijskim kongresmenom Johnom Tolanom radi procjene potrebe za evakuacijom japanskih Amerikanaca. Ogromna većina svjedoka podržala je uklanjanje svih Japanaca, stranaca i državljana s obale. Kalifornijski guverner Culbert L. Olson i državni odvjetnik Earl Warren podržali su uklanjanje svih japanskih Amerikanaca iz obalnih područja, navodeći kako je nemoguće reći koji su lojalni. Kao zapravoglasnogovornici japanske zajednice, čelnici JACL -a protivili su se masovnoj evakuaciji, ali kako bi dokazali svoju lojalnost obećali su svoju spremnost na suradnju ako se to smatra vojnom nuždom.

Napetoj atmosferi pridonijeli su i drugi događaji u Kaliforniji. 23. veljače japanska podmornica granatirala je kalifornijsku obalu. Nije uzrokovao ozbiljnu štetu, ali je izazvao strah od daljnjih neprijateljskih akcija duž američke obale. Sljedeće noći dogodila se "Bitka za Los Angeles". Kao odgovor na neidentificirani radarski odjek, vojska je zatražila zatamnjenje i ispalila više od 1400 protuzračnih granata. Dvadeset japanskih Amerikanaca uhićeno je zbog navodne signalizacije napadačima, no radarski odjek pokazao se kao balon za labavo vrijeme.

Čak i prije potpisivanja Izvršnog naloga 9066, američka mornarica započela je uklanjanje Japanaca iz blizine luke Los Angeles: 14. veljače 1942. mornarica je objavila da sve osobe japanskog podrijetla moraju napustiti Terminal Island do ožujka 14. 24. veljače rok se pomaknuo na 27. veljače. Praktički sve glave obitelji (uglavnom ribare) već je uhitio i uklonio FBI, a 500 obitelji koje su tamo živjele smjelo se samostalno kretati kamo god su htjele. Većina je ostala na području Los Angelesa sve dok ih američka vojska ponovno nije preselila.

Evakuacija

Čak ni nakon izvršne naredbe 9066, nitko nije bio sasvim siguran što će se dogoditi. Tko bi bio "isključen", gdje bi bila "vojna područja" i kamo bi ljudi otišli nakon što su "isključeni"?

General DeWitt prvotno je htio ukloniti sve japanske, njemačke i talijanske strance. Međutim, javno mnijenje (s nekoliko glasnih neistomišljenika) bilo je za preseljenje svih Japanaca Amerikanaca, građana i stranaca, ali se protivilo svakoj masovnoj evakuaciji njemačkih ili talijanskih stranaca, a još manje Nijemaca ili Talijana druge generacije. Načelnik Marshall Gullion, koji je uvijek podržavao preseljenje japanskih Amerikanaca, mislio je samo na muškarce starije od četrnaest godina - oko 46.000 sa zapadne obale a Kako je vojska pregovarala o mogućnostima, japansko -američka zajednica nastavila se brinuti. Većina je slijedila vodstvo JACL -a i odlučila surađivati ​​s evakuacijom kao način dokazivanja svoje lojalnosti. Nekolicina se glasno protivila evakuaciji, a kasnije su tražili načine da se to spriječi, neki sa sudskim predmetima koji su na kraju stigli do Vrhovnog suda.

DeWitt je izdao nekoliko javnih proklamacija o evakuaciji, ali to nije učinilo mnogo da razjasni zabunu, ustvari su stvorili više. 2. ožujka Javna proklamacija broj 1 podijelila je Washington, Oregon, Kaliforniju i Arizonu na dva vojna područja, označena brojevima 1 i 2. Vojno područje broj 1 podijeljeno je u "zabranjenu zonu" duž obale i susjednu " ograničena zona. " Devedeset osam manjih područja također je označeno kao zabranjena, vjerojatno strateška vojna mjesta. Objava je bila namijenjena "japanskim, njemačkim ili talijanskim" vanzemaljcima i "bilo kojoj osobi japanskog podrijetla", ali nije nikome posebno naredila odlazak. Međutim, popratno priopćenje za javnost predviđa da će svi ljudi japanskog podrijetla na kraju biti isključeni iz vojnog područja broj 1, ali vjerojatno ne i iz vojnog područja broj 2.

U to vrijeme vlada nije planirala pomoći ljudima u preseljenju, a budući da je većina imovine Isseija zamrznuta na početku rata, većini obitelji nedostajalo je sredstava za preseljenje. Međutim, nekoliko tisuća japanskih Amerikanaca dobrovoljno se pokušalo preseliti. Više od 9.000 osoba dobrovoljno se iselilo iz vojnog područja broj 1: od toga, više od polovice preselilo se u kalifornijski dio vojnog područja broj 2, gdje je u javnom proglasu broj 1 rečeno da se ne razmišlja o ograničenjima ili zabranama. Kasnije će, naravno, biti nasilno evakuirani iz vojnog područja br. 2. Nešto više sreće imali su japanski Amerikanci koji su se preselili dalje u unutrašnjost zemlje: 1963 se preselilo u Colorado, 1519 preselilo u Utah, 305 preselilo u Idaho, 208 preselilo u istočni Washington, 115 se preselilo u istočni Oregon, 105 u sjevernu Arizonu, 83 u Wyoming, 72 u Illinois, 69 u Nebrasku, a 366 u druge države. No, mnogi koji su pokušali napustiti Zapadnu obalu otkrili su da ih zemlje u unutrašnjosti ne žele prihvatiti. Percepcija u unutrašnjosti bila je da Kalifornija baca svoje "nepoželjne", a mnoge su izbjeglice vraćene na državne granice, imale poteškoća u kupnji benzina ili su dočekane natpisima "Ne tražimo Japance".

Dana 11. ožujka osnovana je Uprava za civilnu kontrolu rata (WCCA) pod kontrolom vojske koja je organizirala i izvršila evakuaciju vojnog područja broj 1. Javnim proglasom broj 2, 16. ožujka, određena su još četiri vojna područja u državama Idaho , Montana, Nevada i Utah te još 933 zabranjena područja. Iako je DeWitt zamislio kako će na kraju ukloniti sve japanske Amerikance s ovih područja, ti se planovi nikada nisu ostvarili.

Javni zakon br. 503, odobren 21. ožujka 1942., kršenje ograničenja u vojnom području učinio je prekršajem, za koji je predviđena kazna do 5000 USD ili godina zatvora. Javnim proglasom br. 3, koji je stupio na snagu 27. ožujka, uveden je policijski sat od 20:00 do 6:00 ujutro u Vojnom području br. 1 i navedena su zabranjena područja za sve neprijateljske strance i "osobe japanskog podrijetla". Javna objava br. 3 također je zahtijevala da "u svakom drugom trenutku sve takve osobe budu samo u svom mjestu stanovanja ili zaposlenja ili putuju između tih mjesta ili na udaljenosti ne većoj od pet milja od svog mjesta stanovanja."

Dobrovoljna evakuacija završila je 29. ožujka, kada je Javnim proglasom broj 4 zabranjeno svim Japancima da napuštaju Vojno područje br. Daljnje upute uspostavile su prihvatne centre kao privremene evakuacijske objekte i zabranile preseljenje osim na odobreno mjesto izvan Vojnog područja br.

Prva evakuacija pod pokroviteljstvom vojske započela je 24. ožujka na otoku Bainbridge blizu Seattlea, a ponovila se duž cijele Zapadne obale. Ukupno je izdano 108 "Naloga o civilnom isključenju", a svaki je osmišljen tako da utječe na oko 1.000 ljudi. Nakon prve obavijesti, stanovnici su dobili šest dana da raspolažu gotovo svom imovinom, pakirajući samo "ono što obitelj ili pojedinac može nositi", uključujući posteljinu, toaletne potrepštine, odjeću i pribor za jelo. Vlada je bila spremna pohraniti ili poslati neke stvari "na vlastitu odgovornost vlasnika", ali mnogi nisu vjerovali u tu mogućnost. Većina je obitelji prodala svoju nekretninu i posjede za smiješno male iznose, dok su druge vjerovale prijateljima i susjedima da se brinu o njihovoj imovini.

Do 2. lipnja 1942. svi su Japanci u Vojnom području br. 1, osim nekolicine koji su ostali u bolnicama, bili u vojnom pritvoru. Slika japanskih Amerikanaca je da su pasivno prihvatili evakuaciju. Postoji japanska filozofija "shikataganai" - tu se ne može pomoći. Dakle, doista je velika većina japanskih Amerikanaca bila rezignirana slijediti naredbe koje su ih poslale u sabirne centre, što je za mnoge bio način da dokažu svoju lojalnost SAD -u

No dogodilo se nekoliko slučajeva aktivnog otpora evakuaciji. Tri tjedna nakon što se trebao evakuirati, Kuji Kurokawa pronađen je, preslab za kretanje zbog pothranjenosti, skrivajući se u podrumu kuće u kojoj je bio zaposlen 10 godina. Odlučio je da se neće registrirati niti biti evakuiran, "ja sam američki državljanin", objasnio je. U drugoj priči, možda apokrifnoj, Hideo Murata, veteran američke vojske iz Prvog svjetskog rata, izvršio je samoubojstvo u lokalnom hotelu umjesto da je evakuiran.

Tri Japana-Amerikanaca osporili su vladine postupke na sudu. Minoru Yasui dobrovoljno se prijavio za vojnu službu nakon japanskog napada na Pearl Harbor i odbijen je zbog svog japanskog podrijetla. Odvjetnik, namjerno je prekršio policijski sat u svom rodnom Portlandu, Oregon, navodeći da su građani dužni osporiti neustavne propise. Gordon Hirabayashi, student Sveučilišta Washington, također je namjerno prekršio policijski sat za japanske Amerikance i zanemario naredbe o evakuaciji, tvrdeći da vlada krši 5. amandman ograničavajući slobodu nedužnih Japanaca. Fred Korematsu promijenio je ime, promijenio crte lica i sakrio se. Kasnije je uhićen zbog boravka u zabranjenom području. Na sudu je Korematsu tvrdio da vlada ne može zatvoriti skupinu ljudi samo na temelju njihovog podrijetla. Sva trojica su izgubila slučajeve. Yasui je proveo nekoliko mjeseci u zatvoru, a zatim je poslan u Centar za preseljenje Minidoka, Hirabayashi je proveo neko vrijeme u zatvoru i nekoliko mjeseci u federalnom zatvoru u Arizoni, a Korematsu je poslan u Centar za preseljenje Topaz.

Prema jednom autoru, jedini čin "sabotaže" japanskog Amerikanca bio je proizvod procesa preseljenja. Kad su mu rekli da napusti svoj dom i ode u sabirni centar, jedan je poljoprivrednik zatražio produženje kako bi ubrao svoj urod jagoda. Njegov zahtjev je odbijen, pa je orao ispod polja jagoda. Potom je uhićen zbog sabotaže, uz obrazloženje da su jagode bile neophodna roba za ratne napore. Nitko nije smio odgoditi evakuaciju radi žetve usjeva, a kasnije su se Kalifornijci suočili s nedostatkom voća i povrća. Japanski Amerikanci uzgajali su 95 posto državnih jagoda i trećinu državnih usjeva kamiona.

Iako je opravdanje za evakuaciju bilo osujećivanje špijunaže i sabotaže, novorođena djeca, mala djeca, stariji, nemoćni, djeca iz sirotišta, pa čak i djeca koja su posvojili kavkaski roditelji nisu izuzeta od uklanjanja. Uključeni su svi s 1/16 ili više japanske krvi. Ukupno je evakuirano preko 17.000 djece mlađe od 10 godina, 2.000 osoba starijih od 65 godina i 1.000 hendikepiranih ili nemoćnih osoba.


Anti -japansko zakonodavstvo u Kaliforniji - povijest

Jedna od prvih skupina doseljenika koja je došla iz Japana u Sjedinjene Države, kolonija čaja i svilene farme Wakamatsu pod vodstvom Johna Schnella, stigla je u Cold Hill, okrug El Dorado, u lipnju 1869. Dodatni kolonisti stigli su u jesen 1869. Ovi prvi imigranti donijeli su stabla duda, svilene čahure, biljke čaja, korijenje bambusa i druge poljoprivredne proizvode. Američki popis stanovništva 1870. pokazao je da je 55 Japanaca u Sjedinjenim Državama 33 bilo u Kaliforniji, a 22 živjelo na Gold Hillu. U roku od nekoliko godina od osnivanja kolonije, kolonisti su se razišli, a njihov poljoprivredni pothvat propao je.


Kolonija Wakamatsu čaja i svilene farme, okrug El Dorado

Popis iz 1880. pokazao je 86 Japanaca u Kaliforniji, a ukupno 148 u Sjedinjenim Državama. Možda su to bili studenti ili Japanci koji su ilegalno napustili svoju zemlju, budući da japanskim radnicima nije bilo dopušteno napustiti svoju zemlju sve do nakon 1884. godine, kada je potpisan sporazum između japanske vlade i havajskih plantaža šećera kako bi se omogućilo useljenje radne snage. S Havaja su mnogi Japanci nastavili put prema kopnu Sjedinjenih Država. 1890. godine u Sjedinjenim Državama živjelo je 2.038 Japanaca od ovog broja, 1.114 je živjelo u Kaliforniji.

Radnici za havajske plantaže šećera pomno su birani. 1868. grupa Japanaca izašla je s ulica Yokohame i otpremila se na Havaje pokazala se nezadovoljavajućom. Nakon toga uspostavljena je sustavna metoda zapošljavanja radnika iz određenih regija u Japanu. Domoroci iz Hirošime, Kumamota, Yamaguchija i Fukushime tražili su se zbog svoje navodne stručnosti u poljoprivredi, radišnog rada i spremnosti za putovanja. Imigranti u Kaliforniju iz ovih prefektura činili su najveći broj Japanaca u državi.

Osim privremene obustave useljavanja na Havaje 1900., tok useljavanja iz Japana ostao je relativno netaknut sve do 1907.-08., Kada je uznemirenje bijelih nadmoćnih organizacija, sindikata i političara rezultiralo "džentlmenskim sporazumom", koji je ograničio daljnje useljavanje radnici iz Japana. Odredba u gospodskom sporazumu, međutim, dopuštala je ženama i djeci radnika, kao i radnicima koji su već bili u Sjedinjenim Državama, da i dalje ulaze u zemlju. Do tada su japanski useljenici bili prvenstveno muškarci. Popis iz 1900. godine pokazuje da je samo 410 od 24.326 Japanaca bilo žena. Od 1908. do 1924. Japanke su nastavile emigrirati u Sjedinjene Države, neke kao "mladenke sa slikama".


Japanske mladenke sa slikama na otoku Angel, okrug Marin [oko 1919.]

U Japanu su ugovoreni brakovi bili pravilo. Go-betweens arranged marriages between compatible males and females, based on careful matching of socio-economic status, personality, and family background. With the advent of photography, an exchange of photographs became a first step in this long process. Entering the bride's name in the groom's family registry legally constituted marriage. Those Japanese males who could afford the cost of traveling to Japan returned there to be married. Others resorted to long-distance, arranged marriages. The same procedure that would have occurred if the groom were in Japan was adhered to, and the bride would immigrate to the United States as the wife of a laborer. Not all issei were married in this manner, but many were. For wives who entered after 1910, the first glimpse of the United States was the Detention Barracks at Angel Island in San Francisco Bay. New immigrants were processed there, and given medical exams. As a result, this was the place where most "picture brides" saw their new husbands for the first time.

Those hoping to rid California of its Japanese population thought the Gentlemen's Agreement would end Japanese immigration. Instead, the Japanese population of California increased, both through new immigration and through childbirth. Anti-Japanese groups, citing the entry of "picture brides," complained that the Gentlemen's Agreement was being violated. A movement to totally exclude Japanese immigrants eventually succeeded with the Immigration Act of 1924. That legislation completely curtailed immigration from Japan until 1952 when an allotment of 100 im migrants per year was designated. A few refugees entered the country during the mid-1950s, as did Japanese wives of United States servicemen.


The Nisei

As the hopes of future immigrants were dashed, however, a new generation of Japanese Americans was making itself known. By 1930, half of the Japanese in the United States were Nisei—members of the U.S.-born second generation. Nisei were the children of two worlds: the traditional Japanese world maintained at home by their parents—the Issei—and the multiethnic U.S. culture that they were immersed in at school and at work. The Nisei were born U.S. citizens, and were more likely to speak English than Japanese, more likely to practice Christianity than Buddhism, and more likely to prefer "American" food, sports, music, and social mores than those of Japanese tradition. Many Nisei struggled to reconcile the conflicting demands of their complex cultural heritage. However, they overwhelmingly identified themselves as Japanese Americans, not as Japanese in America.

The Japanese American Citizens League, an organization of Nisei professionals, declared in its creed:

I am proud that I am an American citizen of Japanese ancestry, for my very background makes me appreciate more fully the wonderful advantages of this nation… I pledge myself… to defend her against all enemies, foreign and domestic.

These words were published in 1940. Before the next year was out, the Japanese American community would find its resolve, its resilience, and its faith in the nation put to a severe test.


Anti-Japanese Legislation in California - History

As with most people of color, Japanese Americans have suffered a variety of discriminatory practices, legislation, and restrictions. Perhaps this could have been expected considering the initial conditions under which Japanese were originally enticed to immigrate to the United States — as only a source of labor, with no plans for them to stay and participate actively in the life of the society.

Even as a source of labor, Japanese immigrants were criticized for being too numerous. They were seen as unassimilable and potentially capable of overrunning the state. The Asiatic Exclusion League, formed in May 1905, mounted a campaign to exclude Japanese and Koreans from the United States. Under pressure from the league, the San Francisco Board of Education ruled on October 11, 1906 that all Japanese and Korean students should join the Chinese at the segregated Oriental School that had been established in 1884. There were 93 Japanese students in the 23 San Francisco public schools at that time. Twenty-five of those students had been born in the United States.

To appease those Californians who were agitating for cessation of Japanese immigration without offending the Japanese government, President Theodore Roosevelt negotiated the 1907-08 Gentlemen's Agreement, whereby the Japanese government agreed not to issue passports to laborers immigrating to the United States. However, parents, wives, and children of laborers already in the United States could immigrate, as well as laborers who had already been here.

This agreement nevertheless stimulated the anti-Japanese movement. Rather than cutting off all immigration from Japan, the agreement resulted in a steady stream of Japanese women entering California. Soon thereafter, children were born, resulting in increases in the Japanese population, rather than decreases. Arranged marriage, sometimes with the exchange of photographs, was the accepted mode of contracting marriages in Japanese society. This practice allowed male issei immigrants to marry, and to send for their brides to join them in this country. The effect was to bolster the stereotyped image of Japanese as being sneaky and untrustworthy, even though the provisions of the Gentlemen's Agreement were being scrupulously maintained.

As the Japanese American population steadily increased, through immigration of picture brides and the birth of nisei children, anti-Japanese forces regrouped after World War I. Charges were made that the Japanese birth rate was three times as high as the general population's. The fact that Japanese females in prime child-bearing years were compared with White women from 15 to 45 years of age was not mentioned. The unassimilability of Japanese was charged. As part of the Immigration Act of 1924, immigration from Japan was completely cut off for 28 years.

Beginning in January 1909 and continuing until after World War II, anti-Japanese bills were introduced into the California legislature every year. The first to become law was the Webb-Hartley Law (known more commonly as the Alien Land Law of 1913), which limited land leases by "aliens ineligible to citizenship" to three years, and barred further land purchases. Amendments to this law in 1919 and 1920 further restricted land leasing agreements. Although the law contains no mention of Asians by name, it is clear that "aliens ineligible to citizenship" included, among others, Japanese, a group without access to U.S. citizenship and the target of anti-Asian groups during this period.

The issue of U.S. citizenship eventually was decided by the 1922 Supreme Court decision of Takao Ozawa v. United States, which declared that Japanese were ineligible for U.S. citizenship. "Free white persons" were made eligible for U.S. citizenship by Congress in 1790. "Aliens of African nativity and persons of African descent" were similarly designated by Congress in 1870. Due to some ambiguity about the term "white," some 420 Japanese had been naturalized by 1910, but a ruling by a U.S. attorney general to stop issuing naturalization papers to Japanese ended the practice in 1906. Ozawa had filed his naturalization papers in 1914. In 1922, the U.S. Supreme Court judged that since Ozawa was neither a "free white person" nor an African by birth or descent, he did not have the right of naturalization as a Mongolian.

Influenced by the anti-Japanese movement, an amendment to the State Political Code in 1921 allowed establishment of separate schools for children of Indian, Chinese, Japanese, or Mongolian parentage. These children were not to be integrated into other public schools once separate schools were established. School districts in Sacramento County elected to maintain separate schools in the communities of Florin, Walnut Grove, Isleton, and Courtland. Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino children in these school districts attended segregated schools until World War II. In 1945, a Japanese American family challenged the constitutionality of segregated schools, and the Los Angeles County Superior Court concurred that segregation on the basis of race or ancestry violated the Fourteenth Amendment. The California legislature repealed the 1921 provision in 1947.

The most widely perpetrated discriminatory action toward West Coast Japanese Americans was the internment camp policy of World War II, which was set into motion by the signing of Executive Order 9066 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The executive order did not mention Japanese Americans by name, but the designation of military areas and the decision to exclude certain persons from these areas was directed toward Japanese Americans. Thirteen temporary detention camps in California were hastily established to hold Japanese Americans until more permanent camps in remote sections of the country could be constructed.

After Executive Order 9066 was issued, the vast majority of public proclamations emanating from Lt. General John DeWitt, Commander of the Western Defense Command, were directed toward controlling the movement and freedom of Japanese Americans. Similarly, the civilian exclusion orders, issued by DeWitt, directed Japanese Americans along the West Coast to report for detention at designated times and places.

Incarceration policy was challenged by Gordon Hirabayashi, who violated curfew regulations in the state of Washington Fred Korematsu of Oakland, who was prosecuted for knowingly remaining in an area forbidden by military orders Minoru Yasui, who was prosecuted for violation of curfew orders as a test case and Mitsuye Endo of Sacramento, who claimed unlawful detention. None of the judgments that resulted from these cases dealt directly with the constitutionality of incarcerating more than 120,000 Japanese Americans. But Ex parte Endo, issued December 16, 1944, did result in the rescinding of exclusion orders, effective January 2, 1945, which eventually closed the 10 concentration camps in the United States.

During the internment years, several legislative actions affected thousands of Japanese Americans. A California statute of 1943, amended in 1945, prohibited "aliens ineligible to citizenship" from earning their living as commercial fishermen in coastal waters. Torao Takahashi brought suit, and after a tortuous sequence of events, including a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that the statute was unconstitutional, resident alien Japanese fishermen were again allowed to fish the waters off the California coast in 1948.

In 1944, a federal statute amended the Nationality Act of 1940 to permit U.S. citizens to renounce citizenship during wartime. The Department of Justice intended that leaders of disturbances at the Tule Lake Segregation Center renounce their citizenship, therefore making themselves eligible for further detention when the camps were dismantled. Instead, 5,522 renunciations came from Japanese Americans (5,371 were from persons confined at Tule Lake), rather than the several hundred expected from pro-Japan elements. When the concentration camps were closed, many internees regretted renouncing their U.S. citizenship, citing coercion, intimidation, and fears of hostility by the dominant society. Lawsuits to revalidate citizenship continued until 1965, including Abo v. Clark (77 F. Supp. 806), which returned U.S. citizenship to 4,315 nisei.

During World War II, while Japanese and Japanese Americans were unable to defend themselves in court, California's Attorney General was allocated additional funds to prosecute violations of the Alien Land Law of 1913. A total of 79 cases were prosecuted, including 59 after the war. The first challenge to the Alien Land Law was Harada v. State of California, in which the Superior Court of Riverside County declared in 1918 that Jukichi Harada could purchase property in the name of his children, who were U.S. citizens though still minors. Subsequent court cases in other jurisdictions had differing results, some ruling that minor children could not own property.

Two escheat cases had particular significance in invalidating the Alien Land Law. The case of Oyama v. State of California in 1948 determined that non-citizen parents could purchase land as gifts for citizen children. The Fujii v. State of California case in 1952 resulted in the Alien Land Law of 1913 being declared unconstitutional. Legal obstacles to land purchases by Asians were thus removed.

To provide partial restitution for losses and damages resulting from the internment, an Evacuation Claims Act was passed by Congress. While losses by Japanese Americans were conservatively estimated to be around $400,000,000, only 10 percent of this amount was disbursed to former internees. The issue remains alive today in 1981, with the establishment of a Congressional Commission to investigate the historical, legal, economical, and psychological impacts of the forced internment of over 120,000 persons of Japanese ancestry during World War II.

Japanese Americans have also endured informal discriminatory practices. Shopping, dining, and recreational activities at some business establishments were denied to Japanese Americans in previous years. Restrictive covenants in housing affected where they lived. When deceased members of the highly decorated 442nd Combat team were returned to the United States after World War II, some cemeteries refused to allow them gravesites because of their ancestry. In the past, some occupations have been closed to Japanese Americans, yet others such as gardening have been considered particularly suitable for their temperament, skills, and social standing in the society. Outward manifestations of discriminatory practices toward Japanese Americans can be subtle, but are still very much in existence as recent legal cases involving discrimination in employment promotion indicate.


St. Andrews Methodist Church, Kern County [circa 1929]


Anti-Japanese sentiments range from animosity towards the Japanese government's actions and disdain for Japanese culture to racism against the Japanese people. Sentiments of dehumanization have been fueled by the anti-Japanese propaganda of the Allied governments in World War II this propaganda was often of a racially disparaging character. Anti-Japanese sentiment may be strongest in China, North Korea, and South Korea, [5] [6] [7] [8] due to atrocities committed by the Japanese military. [9]

In the past, anti-Japanese sentiment contained innuendos of Japanese people as barbaric. Following the Meiji Restoration of 1868, Japan was intent to adopt Western ways in an attempt to join the West as an industrialized imperial power, but a lack of acceptance of the Japanese in the West complicated integration and assimilation. One commonly held view was that the Japanese were evolutionarily inferior (Navarro 2000, ". a date which will live in infamy"). Japanese culture was viewed with suspicion and even disdain.

While passions have settled somewhat since Japan's surrender in World War II, tempers continue to flare on occasion over the widespread perception that the Japanese government has made insufficient penance for their past atrocities, or has sought to whitewash the history of these events. [10] Today, though the Japanese government has effected some compensatory measures, anti-Japanese sentiment continues based on historical and nationalist animosities linked to Imperial Japanese military aggression and atrocities. Japan's delay in clearing more than 700,000 (according to the Japanese Government [11] ) pieces of life-threatening and environment contaminating chemical weapons buried in China at the end of World War II is another cause of anti-Japanese sentiment. [ potreban je citat ]

Periodically, individuals within Japan spur external criticism. Former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi was heavily criticized by South Korea and China for annually paying his respects to the war dead at Yasukuni Shrine, which enshrines all those who fought and died for Japan during World War II, including 1,068 convicted war criminals. Right-wing nationalist groups have produced history textbooks whitewashing Japanese atrocities, [12] and the recurring controversies over these books occasionally attract hostile foreign attention.

Some anti-Japanese sentiment originates from business practices used by some Japanese companies, such as dumping.

Australia Edit

In Australia, the White Australia policy was partly inspired by fears in the late 19th century that if large numbers of Asian immigrants were allowed, they would have a severe and adverse effect on wages, the earnings of small business people, and other elements of the standard of living. Nevertheless, a significant numbers of Japanese immigrants arrived in Australia prior to 1900, perhaps most significantly in the town of Broome. By the late 1930s, Australians feared that Japanese military strength might lead to expansion in Southeast Asia and the Pacific and perhaps even an invasion of Australia itself. That resulted in a ban on iron ore exports to the Empire of Japan, from 1938. During World War II, atrocities were frequently committed to Australians who surrendered (or attempted to surrender) to Japanese soldiers, most famously the ritual beheading of Leonard Siffleet, which was photographed, and incidents of cannibalism and the shooting down of ejected pilots' parachutes. Anti-Japanese feelings were particularly provoked by the sinking of the unarmed Hospital Ship Centaur (painted white and with Red Cross markings), with 268 dead. The treatment of Australians prisoners of war was also a factor, with over 2,800 Australian POWs dying on the Burma Railway alone.

Brazil Edit

Similarly to Argentina and Uruguay, the Brazilian elite in the 19th and the 20th centuries desired the country's racial whitening. The country encouraged European immigration, but non-white immigration always faced considerable backlash. The communities of Japanese immigrants were seen as an obstacle of the whitening of Brazil and were seen, among other concerns, as being as particularly tendentious to form ghettos ans having high rates of endogamy. Oliveira Viana, a Brazilian jurist, historian, and sociologist described the Japanese immigrants as follows: "They (Japanese) are like sulfur: insoluble." The Brazilian magazine O Malho in its edition of December 5, 1908, issued a charge of Japanese immigrants with the following legend: "The government of São Paulo is stubborn. After the failure of the first Japanese immigration, it contracted 3,000 yellow people. It insists on giving Brazil a race diametrically opposite to ours." [13] On 22 October 1923, Representative Fidélis Reis produced a bill on the entry of immigrants, whose fifth article was as follows: "The entry of settlers from the black race into Brazil is prohibited. For Asian [immigrants] there will be allowed each year a number equal to 5% of those residing in the country. " [14]

Years before World War II, the government of President Getúlio Vargas initiated a process of forced assimilation of people of immigrant origin in Brazil. In 1933, a constitutional amendment was approved by a large majority and established immigration quotas without mentioning race or nationality and prohibited the population concentration of immigrants. According to the text, Brazil could not receive more than 2% of the total number of entrants of each nationality that had been received in the last 50 years. Only the Portuguese were excluded. The measures did not affect the immigration of Europeans such as Italians and Spaniards, who had already entered in large numbers and whose migratory flow was downward. However, immigration quotas, which remained in force until the 1980s, restricted Japanese immigration, as well as Korean and Chinese immigration. [15] [13] [16]

When Brazil sided with the Allies and declared war to Japan in 1942, all communication with Japan was cut off, the entry of new Japanese immigrants was forbidden, and many restrictions affected the Japanese Brazilians. Japanese newspapers and teaching the Japanese language in schools were banned, which left Portuguese as the only option for Japanese descendants. As many Japanese immigrants could not understand Portuguese, it became exceedingly difficult for them to obtain any extra-communal information. [17] In 1939, research of Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil in São Paulo showed that 87.7% of Japanese Brazilians read newspapers in the Japanese language, a much higher literacy rate than the general populace at the time. [13] Japanese Brazilians could not travel without safe conduct issued by the police, Japanese schools were closed, and radio receivers was confiscated to prevent transmissions on shortwave from Japan. The goods of Japanese companies were confiscated and several companies of Japanese origin had interventions by the government. Japanese Brazilians were prohibited from driving motor vehicles, and the drivers employed by Japanese had to have permission from the police. Thousands of Japanese immigrants were arrested or deported from Brazil on suspicion of espionage. [13] On 10 July 1943, approximately 10,000 Japanese and German and Italian immigrants who lived in Santos had 24 hours to move away from the Brazilian coast. The police acted without any notice. About 90% of people displaced were Japanese. To reside in coastal areas, the Japanese had to have a safe conduct. [13] In 1942, the Japanese community who introduced the cultivation of pepper in Tomé-Açu, in Pará, was virtually turned into a "concentration camp". his time, the Brazilian ambassador in Washington, DC, Carlos Martins Pereira e Sousa, encouraged the government of Brazil to transfer all Japanese Brazilians to "internment camps" without the need for legal support, just as as was done with the Japanese residents in the United States. However, no suspicion of activities of Japanese against "national security" was ever confirmed. [13]

Even after the end of the war, anti-Japanese sentiment persisted in Brazil. During the National Constituent Assembly of 1946, the representative of Rio de Janeiro Miguel Couto Filho proposed an amendment to the Constitution: "It is prohibited the entry of Japanese immigrants of any age and any origin in the country." In the final vote, a tie with 99 votes in favour and 99 against. Senator Fernando de Melo Viana, who chaired the session of the Constituent Assembly, had the casting vote and rejected the constitutional amendment. By only one vote, the immigration of Japanese people to Brazil was not prohibited by the Brazilian Constitution of 1946. [13]

In the second half of the 2010s, a certain anti-Japanese feeling has grown in Brazil. The current Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, was accused of making statements considered discriminatory against Japanese people, which generated repercussions in the press and in the Japanese-Brazilian community, [18] [19] which is considered the largest in the world outside of Japan. [20] In addition, in 2020, possibly as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, some incidents of xenophobia and abuse were reported to Japanese-Brazilians in cities such as São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. [21] [22] [23] [24]

China Edit

Anti-Japanese sentiment is felt very strongly in China and distrust, hostility and negative feelings towards Japan and the Japanese people and culture is widespread in China. Anti-Japanese sentiment is a phenomenon that mostly dates back to modern times (since 1868). Like many Western powers during the era of imperialism, Japan negotiated treaties that often resulted in the annexation of land from China towards the end of the Qing dynasty. Dissatisfaction with Japanese settlements and the Twenty-One Demands by the Japanese government led to a serious boycott of Japanese products in China.

Today, bitterness persists in China [25] over the atrocities of the Second Sino-Japanese War and Japan's postwar actions, particularly the perceived lack of a straightforward acknowledgment of such atrocities, the Japanese government's employment of known war criminals, and Japanese historic revisionism in textbooks. In elementary school, children are taught about Japanese war crimes in detail. For example, thousands of children are brought to the Museum of the War of Chinese People's Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in Beijing by their elementary schools and required to view photos of war atrocities, such as exhibits of records of the Japanese military forcing Chinese workers into wartime labor, [26] the Nanking Massacre, [27] and the issues of comfort women. After viewing the museum, the children's hatred of the Japanese people was reported to significantly increase. Despite the time that has passed since the end of the war, discussions about Japanese conduct during it can still evoke powerful emotions today, partly because most Japanese are aware of what happened during it although their society has never engaged in the type of introspection which has been common in Germany after the Holocaust. [28] Hence, the usage of Japanese military symbols are still controversial in China, such as the incident in which the Chinese pop singer Zhao Wei was seen wearing a Japanese war flag while he was dressed for a fashion magazine photo shoot in 2001. [29] Huge responses were seen on the Internet, a public letter demanding a public apology was also circulated by a Nanking Massacre survivor, and the singer was even attacked. [30] According to a 2017 BBC World Service Poll, only 22% of Chinese people view Japan's influence positively, and 75% express a negative view, making China the most anti-Japanese nation in the world. [1]

Anti-Japanese film industry Edit

Anti-Japanese sentiment can also be seen in war films which are currently being produced and broadcast in Mainland China. More than 200 anti-Japanese films were produced in China in 2012 alone. [31] In one particular situation involving a more moderate anti-Japanese war film, the government of China banned the 2000 film, Devils on the Doorstep because it depicted a Japanese soldier being friendly with Chinese villagers. [32]

Francuska Edit

Japan's public service broadcaster, NHK, provides a list of overseas safety risks for traveling, and in early 2020, it listed anti-Japanese discrimination as a safety risk on travel to France and some other European countries, possibly because of fears over the COVID-19 pandemic and other factors. [33] Signs of rising anti-Japanese sentiment in France include an increase in anti-Japanese incidents reported by Japanese nationals, such as being mocked on the street and refused taxi service, and least one Japanese restaurant has been vandalized. [34] [35] [36] A group of Japanese students on a study tour in Paris received abuse by locals. [37] Another group of Japanese citizens was targeted by acid attacks, which prompted the Japanese embassy as well as the foreign ministry to issue a warning to Japanese nationals in France, urging caution. [38] [39] Due to rising discrimination, a Japanese TV announcer in Paris said it's best not to speak Japanese in public. [40]

Njemačka Edit

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan), anti-Japanese sentiment and discrimination has been rising in Germany. [41]

Media sources have reported a rise in anti-Japanese sentiment in Germany, with some Japanese residents saying suspicion and contempt toward them have increased noticeably. [42] In line with those sentiments, there have been a rising number of anti-Japanese incidents such as at least one major football club kicking out all Japanese fans from the stadium, locals throwing raw eggs at homes where Japanese people live, and a general increase in the level of harassment toward Japanese residents. [43] [44] [45]

Indonezija Edit

In a press release, the embassy of Japan in Indonesia stated that incidents of discrimination and harassment of Japanese people had increased, and they were possibly partly related to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, and it also announced that it had set up a help center in order to assist Japanese residents in dealing with those incidents. [46] In general, there have been reports of widespread anti-Japanese discrimination and harassment in the country, with hotels, stores, restaurants, taxi services and more refusing Japanese customers and many Japanese people were no longer allowed in meetings and conferences. The embassy of Japan has also received at least a dozen reports of harassment toward Japanese people in just a few days. [47] [48] According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan), anti-Japanese sentiment and discrimination has been rising in Indonesia. [41]

Koreja Edit

The issue of anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea is complex and multifaceted. Anti-Japanese attitudes in the Korean Peninsula can be traced as far back as the Japanese pirate raids and the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598), but they are largely a product of the Japanese occupation of Korea which lasted from 1910 to 1945 and the subsequent revisionism of history textbooks which have been used by Japan's educational system since World War II.

Today, issues of Japanese history textbook controversies, Japanese policy regarding the war, and geographic disputes between the two countries perpetuate that sentiment, and the issues often incur huge disputes between Japanese and South Korean Internet users. [49] South Korea, together with Mainland China, may be considered as among the most intensely anti-Japanese societies in the world. [50] Among all the countries that participated in BBC World Service Poll in 2007 and 2009, South Korea and the People's Republic of China were the only ones whose majorities rated Japan negatively. [51] [52]

Philippines Edit

Anti-Japanese sentiment in the Philippines can be traced back to the Japanese occupation of the country during World War II and its aftermath. An estimated 1 million Filipinos out of a wartime population of 17 million were killed during the war, and many more Filipinos were injured. Nearly every Filipino family was affected by the war on some level. Most notably, in the city of Mapanique, survivors have recounted the Japanese occupation during which Filipino men were massacred and dozens of women were herded in order to be used as comfort women. Today the Philippines has peaceful relations with Japan. In addition, Filipinos are generally not as offended as Chinese or Koreans are by the claim from some quarters that the atrocities are given little, if any, attention in Japanese classrooms. This feeling exists as a result of the huge amount of Japanese aid which was sent to the country during the 1960s and 1970s. [53]

The Davao Region, in Mindanao, had a large community of Japanese immigrants which acted as a fifth column by welcoming the Japanese invaders during the war. The Japanese were hated by the Moro Muslims and the Chinese. [54] The Moro juramentadoss performed suicide attacks against the Japanese, and no Moro juramentado ever attacked the Chinese, who were not considered enemies of the Moro, unlike the Japanese. [55] [56] [57] [58]

Tajvan Edit

The Kuomintang (KMT), which took over Taiwan in the 1940s, held strong anti-Japanese sentiment and sought to eradicate traces of the Japanese culture in Taiwan. [59]

During the 2005 anti-Japanese demonstrations in East Asia, Taiwan remained noticeably quieter than the PRC or Korea, with Taiwan-Japan relations regarded at an all-time high. However, the KMT victory in 2008 was followed by a boating accident resulting in Taiwanese deaths, which caused recent tensions. Taiwanese officials began speaking out on the historical territory disputes regarding the Diaoyutai/Senkaku Islands, which resulted in an increase in at least perceived anti-Japanese sentiment. [60]

Russian Empire and Soviet Union Edit

In the Russian Empire, the Japanese victory during the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 halted Russia's ambitions in the East and left it humiliated. During the later Russian Civil War, Japan was part of the Allied interventionist forces that helped to occupy Vladivostok until October 1922 with a puppet government under Grigorii Semenov. At the end of World War II, the Red Army accepted the surrender of nearly 600,000 Japanese POWs after Emperor Hirohito announced the Japanese surrender on 15 August 473,000 of them were repatriated, 55,000 of them had died in Soviet captivity, and the fate of the others is unknown. Presumably, many of them were deported to China or North Korea and forced to serve as laborers and soldiers. [61]

United States Edit

Pre-20th century Edit

In the United States, anti-Japanese sentiment had its beginnings long before World War II. As early as the late 19th century, Asian immigrants were subjected to racial prejudice in the United States. Laws were passed which openly discriminated against Asians and sometimes, they particularly discriminated against Japanese. Many of these laws stated that Asians could not become US citizens and they also stated that Asians could not be granted basic rights such as the right to own land. These laws were greatly detrimental to the newly-arrived immigrants because they denied them the right to own land and forced many of them who were farmers to become migrant workers. Some cite the formation of the Asiatic Exclusion League as the start of the anti-Japanese movement in California. [62]

Početkom 20. stoljeća Edit

Anti-Japanese racism and the belief in the Yellow Peril in California intensified after the Japanese victory over the Russian Empire during the Russo-Japanese War. On 11 October 1906, the San Francisco, California Board of Education passed a regulation in which children of Japanese descent would be required to attend racially-segregated separate schools. Japanese immigrants then made up approximately 1% of the population of California, and many of them had come under the treaty in 1894 which had assured free immigration from Japan.

The Japanese invasion of Manchuria, China, in 1931 and was roundly criticized in the US. In addition, efforts by citizens outraged at Japanese atrocities, such as the Nanking Massacre, led to calls for American economic intervention to encourage Japan to leave China. The calls played a role in shaping American foreign policy. As more and more unfavorable reports of Japanese actions came to the attention of the American government, embargoes on oil and other supplies were placed on Japan out of concern for the Chinese people and for the American interests in the Pacific. Furthermore, European-Americans became very pro-China and anti-Japan, an example being a grassroots campaign for women to stop buying silk stockings because the material was procured from Japan through its colonies.

When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, Western public opinion was decidedly pro-China, with eyewitness reports by Western journalists on atrocities committed against Chinese civilians further strengthening anti-Japanese sentiments. African-American sentiments could be quite different than the mainstream and included organizations like the Pacific Movement of the Eastern World (PMEW), which promised equality and land distribution under Japanese rule. The PMEW had thousands of members hopefully preparing for liberation from white supremacy with the arrival of the Japanese Imperial Army.


Mexican American Immigration, and Discrimination, Begins

The story of Latino-American discrimination largely begins in 1848, when the United States won the Mexican-American War. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which marked the war’s end, granted 55 percent of Mexican territory to the United States. With that land came new citizens. The Mexicans who stayed in what was now U.S. territory were granted citizenship and the country gained a considerable Mexican-American population.

As the 19th century wore on, political events in Mexico made emigration to the United States popular. This was welcome news to American employers like the Southern Pacific Railroad, which desperately needed cheap labor to help build new tracks. The railroad and other companies flouted existing immigration laws that banned importing contracted labor and sent recruiters into Mexico to convince Mexicans to emigrate.

Anti-Latino sentiment grew along with immigration. Latinos were barred entry into Anglo establishments and segregated into urban barrios in poor areas. Though Latinos were critical to the U.S. economy and often were American citizens, everything from their language to the color of their skin to their countries of origin could be used as a pretext for discrimination. Anglo-Americans treated them as a foreign underclass and perpetuated stereotypes that those who spoke Spanish were lazy, stupid and undeserving. In some cases, that prejudice turned fatal.


CALIFORNIA ALIEN LAND LAW

CALIFORNIA ALIEN LAND LAW. Responding to the strong anti-Asian sentiments among voters, the California legislature passed the Alien Land Law of 1913. The act was amended and extended by popular initiative in 1920 and by the legislature in 1923 and 1927. Aimed at the largely rural Japanese population, the law, with a few exceptions, banned individual aliens who were not eligible for citizenship (under the Naturalization Act of 1870 this included all persons of Asian descent born out-side of the United States), as well as corporations controlled by such aliens, from owning real property. Similar laws were passed in other western states. The law was repealed in 1956 by popular vote.


Toward Total Exclusion

As anti-Asian feelings grew more pronounced, immigrants from India—many of whom began arriving in the United States in the 1890s—became one of the first groups affected by the new laws. At the time, federal immigration restrictions fell into two categories: generalized groups (for example, paupers and anarchists) and individual nationalities (for example, Japanese and Chinese). But, by 1911, Asian Indians had become a category all their own. As a new target for exclusionists, the government classified them as “Hindu” no matter their religion or ethnicity. 36

Congress went even further and passed the Immigration Act of 1917, creating an “Asiatic Barred Zone” that excluded Chinese, Asian Indians, Burmese, Thai,and Malays and extended to parts of Russia, the Arabian peninsula, Afghanistan, Polynesia, and all East Indian islands—about 500 million people in total. The Woodrow Wilson administration omitted Japan because its immigrants already faced a number of prohibitions. The law also exempted the Philippines since its residents, as members of an American territory, were U.S. nationals and legally eligible to move to the States. 37

After the White House changed hands in 1921, the Republican Congress, working with the new Republican presidential administration of Warren G. Harding, redoubled its efforts to overhaul America’s immigration policy. Within a month of being introduced, the national origins quota system became law on May 19, 1921. 39 The quota law set total annual immigration at 355,000, or 3 percent of the foreign-born population during the last Census in 1910. Federal officials used the same calculus to determine the number of immigrants allowed on a nation-by-nation basis. 40

Immigration hard-liners who had long opposed Asian immigration began worrying that America would experience a surge of refugees from hard-hit southern and eastern Europe after the war. In 1923 President Calvin Coolidge called for new legislation in order to limit immigration completely, and Congress quickly obliged. In the House, the Immigration and Naturalization Committee, led by Albert Johnson of Washington, who had long opposed Japanese immigration, began working on ways to tighten the quota system, pushing the baseline numbers back from the 1910 Census to the 1890 Census, which were lower and would therefore be more restrictive. 41

The problem, however, was that Japan had become a global power whose naval strength trailed only the United States and Britain. State Department officials feared that, if the bill became law, whatever cooperation existed between America and Japan in their work to maintain political stability in the Pacific basin would end. 43 Nevertheless, the bill cruised through the House, passing 323 to 71. When the White House and the Japanese ambassador tried to pressure the Senate into removing the clause, the plan backfired. The Senate overwhelmingly approved the immediate exclusion clause. President Coolidge signed the immigration bill into law on May 26, 1924. 44

The impact of the law was arguably greatest in Japan, where many resented the section that singled them out as “an inferior race.” 46 Somewhat optimistically, the Japanese government expected the immigration restriction to relax over time as the commercial interests between Japan and the United States strengthened. Nevertheless, Japan began viewing the United States, instead of the Soviet Union, as its primary military and naval adversary. 47 That shift would have devastating consequences for America’s two major Pacific territories—the Philippines and Hawaii—during World War II.

But even the Philippines and Hawaii, which the United States assumed control over at the turn of the century, were not immune to some level of exclusion during the 40 years preceding the war. Beginning in 1898, the experience of the United States in the Philippines and Hawaii legalized the convergence of exclusionary practices at home and abroad as ideas about race and empire conflicted with American traditions of democracy and self-government.


The Anti-Japanese Land Laws of California and Ten Other States*

The Arkansas legislature in 1943 enacted an anti-Japanese land law. It declares that no Japanese or a descendant of Japanese shall ever purchase or hold title to any lands in the State of Arkansas. Since those laws are in reality aimed at the Japanese, Arkansas raises to eleven the count of states that have anti-Japanese land laws. The constitutional issue is whether California can pick out of her half-million alien residents, 25,000 Japanese aliens, together with imperceptible number of Korean, Malay, and Polynesian aliens. The Census of 1940, in reporting the occupations of persons fourteen years old and older, shows that over ten thousand alien Japanese were engaged in farming in California. California law forbids Japanese aliens to hold any legal interest in land, except leasehold for commercial and residential purposes, and the concept of a legal interest in land is stretched to include the holding of a share in a corporation.


Gledaj video: 5 dana u Kaliforniji Vlog 01 (Kolovoz 2022).